The depictions of warrior saints in frescoes of 1380 at the Church of the Holy Saviour in Kovaliovo Whether Balkan masters painted the Novgorod church ?

121 This article examines the theme of warrior saints in the Kovaliovo fresco cycle, based on the archival photographs and frescoes assembled by the conservators. The analysis of the selection of warrior saints (including the seated figure of St. Demetrios), the arrangement of their figures in the overall iconographic programme, the separate iconographic characteristics of the frescoes and — finally — the style of painting, confirms that the Kovaliovo master-painters were not local nor were they Russian, but it obliges us to reject the theory that the Kovaliovo frescoes resemble the art of the Morava school in Serbia. It is feasible that the Kovaliovo painters came from one of the Balkan centers closely linked to Thessaloniki and, within the tradition of Novgorodian monumental painting, the best Kovaliovo frescoes seem to bear the legacy of their great predecessor, Theophanes the Greek.

The church wall paintings of Veliky Novgorod are particularly important in the art of fourteenth-century Rus'.A significant number of frescoes were painted by masters who had migrated from Constantinople and the Balkan region.Among them was the illustrious Theophanes the Greek and other artists, whose names have been lost.
Anonymous masters were responsible for the wall paintings dated 1380 at the Transfiguration Monastery church in Kovaliovo, near Novgorod, built in 1345. 1 N. P. Sychov supervised the removal of the overpainting from the frescoes in 1910 to 1912 and later, in 1921, thus laying the groundwork for the study of the Transfiguration church frescoes.Uncovering the earlier paint layer allowed us to include this fresco ensemble in the monuments of Medieval Rus'.Thereafter it was mentioned by many scholars in the first half of the twentieth century.They attempted to relate the Kovaliovo painting to various schools of medieval art. 2 V. N. Lazarev was the first to give a detailed account of the iconographic characteristics and style of these frescoes in a book published in 1947; afterwards the same author devoted a separate paper to the frescoes, where he attributes the painting at the Kovaliovo church to Serbian masters, and specifically to the Morava school of the late fourteenth to early fifteenth centuries. 3V.N. Lazarev rated the Kovaliovo wall paintings very highly and initiated the retrieval of the frescoes from the church ruins, which was carried out by a UDC 75.052.046.3(470.24Kovaliovo) DOI 10.2298/ZOG0933121D Originalan nau~ni rad team of restorers led by A. P. and V. B. Grekov. 4 Restoration of the original frescoes served as the basis for several articles in the 1980s dealing with the special problems of these wall paintings. 5Their general conclusions coincide on the whole with those of V. N. Lazarev.
The changes in interpretation of the Kovaliovo frescoes were connected to a total re-evaluation of painting from the late Palaiologan period.The exceptionally active period in Novgorod cultural life during the second half of the fourteenth century and the flowering of monumental painting at this time were reflected in generalised publications and more specific research. 6Interestingly enough, IU.G. Malkov's articles on frescoes in the Novgorod church of the Nativity at the Cemetery, which is also traditionally included in the group showing "Balkan influences", expressed doubt as to whether the Kovaliovo frescoes could have been painted by Serbian masters. 7er the last few decades, the full significance of the Transfiguration church frescoes has been reassessed in various publications.Jadranka Prolovi}'s monograph on wall paintings at the Church of St. Andrew on the Treska River near Skopje (1388/1389) concludes that they bear a close affinity to the frescoes at Kovaliovo, 8 while Vladimir Sarabyanov notes a similarity between the spiritually charged Kovaliovo images and the school of Theophanes the Greek, at the same time noting characteristics that further relate the ensemble to the culture of Novgorod. 9veral problems associated with Kovaliovo frescoes have been only partly discussed in existing literature.Above all these are questions concerning the ktetors cited in the main inscription on the church's west wall, 10 and the master (or masters) that headed the workshop (his name was apparently included in the poorly preserved inscription over the door leading into the church from the narthex).Other questions are posed by the rare iconographic types encoun- 7 IU.G. Malkov, Freski tserkvi Rozhdestva na Kladbishche, Khudozhestvennoe nasledie.Khranenie, issledovanie, restavratsiia 4 (1978) 193-221;idem, O roli balkanskoi khudozhestvennoi traditsii v drevnerusskoi zhivopisi XIV veka. Nekotorye aspekty tvorchestva Feofana Greka, in: Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo. Monumental'naia zhivopis' XI-XVII vekov, Moscow 1980, 138-140. 8 J. Prolovi}, Die Kirche des Heiligen Andreas an der Treska, Wien 1997, 218. 9 V. Sarabianov, XIV secolo: il nuovo incontro con Bisanzio, in : La pittura russa, ed.E. Smirnova, I, Milano 2001, 280-286. 10 The fresco inscription assembled by the restorers (on the west wall of the naos, above the entrance to the church) names not only the ktetors of the church, but also the ruling archbishop of Novgorod and Moscow, Grand Prince Dmitry Donskoy: "V leto 6888 potâpisanã bá(stâ) hramã G(ospod)a B(og)a Sp(a)sa na{ego I(isu)sa H(rist)a a pri knàzi velikomã Dmitrii Ivanovi~e i pri vãseosvàaeenomã arhiepiskope novogrodâskomã Aleksei a poveleniem raba B(o)`âà Ofanasià Stepanovi~a i podru`i ego Marii a sãvrã{iso m(esà)ca avgusta".tered here, some of them unprecedented in Russian art.Several images require identification, and their subject matter has yet to be interpreted.Finally, the stylistic variety of the painting itself and the artistic whole created by the Kovaliovo artistic workshop raise the question where we should place this fresco ensemble in the ranks of Novgorod artworks, and the painting of Byzantine style in general.
The fresco programme of the Kovaliovo church can be reconstructed according to archive photographs and reassembled fragments.This programme resulted from a skillfully made unification of several themes, each closely related to the central semantic emphases of the wall painting.Firstly, we have the Theophany theme revealing the church's dedication to the Transfiguration of Christ and reflecting primary concepts of the late Palaiologan epoch.Old Testament images in the dome and naos, the Great Feasts cycle and its major points of emphasis correspond to this theme.The monastic themes, likewise, are notably large in scale and underlines the monastic character of the ensemble (images of the holy monks in the sanctuary, naos and narthex).Particular attention is paid to the holy women, and also to the warrior saints.The present article will examine the latter theme and on this basis attempt to clarify several questions, as the origins of the painters and the correlation of the fresco ensemble with the contemporary Byzantine art.
The Palaiologan epoch engendered a very specific attitude to the soldiers-martyrs, who had been venerated since early Christian times. 11At this period it becomes more evident than ever before that valour in battle is perceived as the fulfilment of Christian duty, an imitation of feats achieved by the warrior saints.Hopes for a successful outcome to military conflict are linked to their assistance, both in prayer and reality, as clearly reflected in early Russian literature. 12Both Byzantine and Old Russian sources show that during this time worship was an active constituent of martial culture (for instance, the consecration of weapons). 13Military regalia participated in Christian Feasts. 14Veneration of the holy warriors increases Nau~ni skup Manastir Manasija i njegovo doba, ed.V. J. Djuri}, Despotovac 1995, 191-217;Ch. Walter, The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition, Aldershot--Burlington 2003. 12 The author of the prolonged chronicle version of the "Story about the Battle of Kulikovo" correlates the defense of Medieval Rus' and the feat of martyrs: "Da tem`e rádaniem ispolni{asà Moskovci… i na begi obrati{asà…, a ne pomànu{a àko mu~enicá glagolahu droug ko drougu: bratie, poterpim malo; zrima àra, no rai sladok, i strasten me~â, no sladko ven~anie" (Polnoe sobranie russkih letopisei, IV, ch.1/1, 320).This theme also appears as a refrain in the other texts about the Battle of Kulikovo.
13 I. M. Djordjevi}, Der heilige Demetrius in der serbischen Adligen Stiftungen aus der Zeit der Nemaniden, in: L'art de Thessalonique et des pays balkaniques et les courants spirituels du XIV siecle.Recueil des rapports du IVe Colloque serbo-grec, red.D. Davidov, Belgrade 1985, 71. 14Markovi}, O ikonografiji svetih ratnika, 587.For example, there is a very interesting description of the army of Dmitry Donskoy coming out of throughout the fourteenth century: portable icons of the warrior saints accompany soldiers and military leaders on campaigns and often become family relics, many new churches were dedicated to the holy warriors in gratitude for their assistance during battle, and naturally the military theme assumes a far more important role in monumental ensembles of the Palaiologan period than ever before.
An increase in the number of warrior saint figures in wall painting is proof in itself: in most churches their images are combined in multi-figural groups.For example, seventeen warrior saints were depicted at the Church of Christ Pantokrator in the De~ani Monastery (ca.1345);15 at the Church of St. Athanasios in Kastoria (1385/1386) eight of the twenty figures in the lower zone were warrior saints;16 fourteen holy warriors were included in the frescoes at Resava (before 1418).17During this period many parish and monastery churches were founded with assistance from the ktetors, whose task was to participate in the defence of their towns and regions at the behest of the emperor or prince. 18It is worthy of note that the artists of the Palaiologan epoch and, above all, Michael Astrapas and Eutychios, liked to leave their inscriptions on the weapons of warrior saints.
The interior of the Kovaliovo church has two contrasting components: a relatively spacious area under the dome, and the corner bays.The square pillars in the church have been displaced towards the side walls and this reduces the dimensions of the side compartments.The semi-cylindrical vaults are open on the eastern side with lofty arches, but closed on the western side by walls.The specific features of the architecture resulted in a clearly defined separation of the central space beneath the dome.The compartments formed in the northwest and southwest corners of the church are almost entirely separate from the central area.Probably designated for solitary prayer, they facilitated a focused state of mind.
The lower registers of the frescoes in the northern and western sections of the church are devoted to the theme of the holy warriors, portraying St. Demetrios of Thessaloniki (middle zone), two warrior saints in the lower zone of the northwest pillar (fig. 1) -St.George (south side) and St. Nestor (east side), and also three soldier saints on the north wall (fig.2).
The fresco depicting Demetrios of Thessaloniki (fig.3) has no analogue in any other monumental cycle painted in Medieval Rus'.It shows St. Demetrios in full battle dress and bearing a sword, enthroned on the military sella curulis with the town wall in the background. 19This image of Demetrios Moscow before the Battle of Kulikovo: "…arhiepiskop `e blagoslovi ego (knàzà Dimitrià) i otpusti poèti protivu poganáh tatar i dastâ emu Hristovo znameniekrest na ~ele i posla bogosvàaeennáè sãbor svoè sã krestá i sã svàtámi ikonami i sã svàaeennoä vodoä vã Frolovãskáa vrata, i v Nikolâskáe, i v Konstanâtinoelenskáa, da vsàk vãin blagosloven izádetâ i svàaeennoä vodoä kroplen".V. Skazanie o Mamaevom poboishche.Drevnerusskii tekst i perevod, in: Pole Kulikovo.Skazaniia o bitve na Donu, ed.L. A. Dmitriev, Moscow 1980, 143. is emphasised not only by the unusual composition but also by its position in the middle rather than lower zone (Gospel scenes occupy this zone on the north and south walls). 20It is not characteristic in other Novgorod churches to single out Demetrios of Thessaloniki from the rank of warrior saints. 21hese factors together prompt us to consider why the image of this megalomartyr is given special attention in the Novgorod ensemble of frescoes.
It has already been established that depictions of St. Demetrios enthroned were already produced in the early Byzantine period and relate to a specific location where he was venerated, the basilica at Thessaloniki. 22In the veneration of Demetrios his protection over military leaders and rulers is particularly important, and images of the saint enthroned are often found on the coins and seals of Byzantine officials and rulers of provinces within the Byzantine cultural area,23 particularly Medieval Rus'.The iconographic formula of Demetrios enthroned probably reached Rus' from the late twelfth to early thirteenth century, during the rule of Grand Prince of Vladimir, Vsevolod the Big Nest, who assumed the Christian name Dimitry. 24The bulls of Prince Yaroslav Vladimirovich regarding his Novgorod princedom (1181-1184, 1187-1196 and  1197-1199) show that in Novgorod, too, this type of image was known in the twelfth to thirteenth centuries.Archangel Michael is portrayed on the recto of the bulls, while the verso features St. Demetrios enthroned and bearing a sword. 25e dissemination of various iconographic versions of Demetrios intensified in Palaiologan art as the saint became where the martyr is depicted against a background wall with two side projections. 28This motif acquires a particularly solemn character in some miniatures. 29n the Kovaliovo fresco we can see a light blue cloth under St. Demetrios' feet, and at the lower right a dark entity that may represent a scorpion.Judging from an archive photograph, a landscape "hillock" was painted between Demetrios and the town walls.The specific setting and other details indicate that the fresco is based on a hagiographic composition30 that provided the essential features for this image by virtue of the widely-used symbolism (the saint vanquishing evil outside the town walls).
When examining the Kovaliovo fresco we should take into consideration that the martyr was protector not only of the Byzantine emperors, but also of Grand Prince Dmitry Donskoi,31 the ruler when the church walls were painted (his name takes precedence in the fresco inscription written on the west wall). 32But although Dmitry Donskoi is mentioned in the ktetor inscription and regarded as the founder of a Novgorod church dedicated to St. Demetrios of Thessaloniki,33 his relations with the independent Republic of Novgorod were always tense (as they were with other Moscow princes). 34It is therefore probable that the image of Demetrios of Thessaloniki was emphasised in Kovaliovo for a different reason.As already stated, Demetrios was highly venerated in the Balkans, where the saint's figure is present in almost all fresco ensembles. 35Such attention paid to his image was conditioned by the Balkan region dependence on the most important fourteenth-century cultural and historical centre -Thessaloniki. 36e role of Thessaloniki extended to the political, cultural and artistic spheres.Fresco painters often travelled to the Balkan cities and monasteries from Thessaloniki.37 Thus, since the iconography of the Kovaliovo fresco is of Thessalonician origin, and since the saint is singled out from the ranks of warrior saints and the composition is placed in the zone of the Gospel scenes, it is possible that the Kovaliovo masters belonged to one of the Balkan centres closely linked to Thessaloniki.
The significance of the St. Demetrios image in the Kovaliovo wall paintings is underlined by the presentation beneath this fresco of the warrior saint Nestor, 38 whose figure can only be reconstructed from the remaining fragments.Nestor is depicted as a young warrior and framed, like other saints of the lower zone on the west pillars, in a Byzantine arch painted to look like marble (fig.1).It is known, this grouping of figures representing St. Demetrios, his servant Lupus and Nestor was based on the iconography of the ciborium at the basilica of St. Demetrios in Thessaloniki, where the ciborium gates probably showed Nestor and Lupus in military attire. 39Episodes with the   43 or it is included in the hagiographic cycles of the patron saint of Thessaloniki (the Metropolitan Church at Mistra, 44 De~ani). 45In Serbian frescoes St. Nestor is occasionally depicted among the Great Martyrs (at Resava). 46In Novgorod the figure of St. Nestor has been preserved in the wall paintings of the Church of St. Theodore Stratelates (the dedication of the church demanded a particularly comprehensive assembly of warrior saints), although here the warriors are painted on different walls of the church (north and south). 47chly decorated arches on the painted columns with foliate capitals frame not only St. Nestor, but also another warrior located on the south side of the northwest pillar.The young soldier-saint bears a sword and shield decorated with a crowned heraldic lion (figs.1, 4). 48No records have survived with the name of the saint, but judging from the fresco iconography the Kovaliovo painters included another holy warrior, almost mandatory in the fresco cycles of the Palaiologan period -St.George.As we know, SS. George and Demetrios are represented or described as commanders of the heavenly host in many Palaiologan paintings and literary works.It is they that lead the row of saints accompanying the Holy Virgin in many compositions of "The Celestial Court" (e.g.Zaum, Monastery of King Marko).These warriors frequently appear in Novgorod icons.According to the Novgorod Chronicle they came to the aid of Russian armies in the year when the Kovaliovo frescoes were painted, during the Battle of Kulikovo: "…When the battle had lasted nine whole hours true believers beheld that the angels and the entire host of warrior saints came to aid the Christians; they saw the warrior George and the glorious Demetrios, the saints Boris and Gleb, of the same names as the Grand Princes; there too was the Archangel Michael, commander of the force of heavenly warriors … the godless Tatars were felled by the fear of God and by the Christian arms.And the Lord God lifted our Prince on high, after granting him victory over the foreigners…". 49The military theme at Kovaliovo continues with the depictions of three warriors in the lower zone of the north wall (figs.2, 5).In the western part of the north wall, one can distinguish a young warrior (fig.6), bearing in his right hand a spear that crosses the figure and, in his left, a shield turned sideways; a sheathed sword hangs at his left side.The warrior wears armour over a short tunic and across his breast the mantle is tied in a knot.The entire figure is caught in graceful motion.Behind his shoulders hangs a helmet crowned with a royal lily -the only detail that indirectly indicates the saint's identity. 50As distinct from other armaments (spear, sword and shield), helmet is infrequently depicted among the saints' equipment in Byzantine frescoes of the Palaiologan period.Most often it is St. Merkourios that wears a helmet. 51n the case of other saints, helmets are a very rare feature. 52cholars have noted that the image of a helmeted St. Merkourios comes from a classical prototype (the Roman Mercury-Mercurius, patron of commerce, traditionally wears a winged helmet). 53Possibly for this reason the warrior saint Merkourios is helmeted in numerous monuments of Palaiologan art. 54fresco in the centre of the lower zone of the north wall shows another, unidentified young warrior saint dressed in a short tunic under armour that forms a characteristic quadrangle over his breast, with a mantle cast over the left shoulder and behind his back.In his right hand the warrior holds a spear while his left rests on a shield standing upright on the ground.Under the lower edge of his mantle we detect the outline of a sheathed sword (fig.7). 55From the iconography -a young soldier with wavy hair that reaches halfway down his neck, the ends hanging in two semicircular locks -this is probably St. Prokopios. 56The hair is depicted exactly the same way in images of St. Prokopios at De~ani, 57 the Church of the Holy Apostles at Pe} (ca.1346) 58 and Resava. 59This identification The eastern section of the north wall shows a middle--aged warrior with a small beard and long hair (fig.8). 62estorers have identified the figure as St. Theodore Stratelates.However, numerous examples of frescoes from the Palaiologan period show that Theodore Stratelates was customarily depicted with short, sometimes curly hair and a beard slightly parted in the middle (e. g. in the southern choir of the Church of the Holy Apostles at Pe}, 63 the Church of St. Demetrios at Ohrid (ca.1375), 64 Ravanica (1385-1387), 65 Kaleni} (ca.1420), 66 and Resava. 67The Kovaliovo warrior has his hair parted on his forehead into two long locks that hang behind his shoulders, and his beard is unparted.As correctly observed by L. I. Lifshits, 68 this iconographic type is more reminiscent of images portraying St. Niketas or St. Artemios, warriors similar in appearance to the depiction of Christ the Saviour.
Distinguishing these two warrior saints by their iconography is rather complex.Both are usually shown with a short beard and long hair ‰according to a painter's manual (hermeneia), St. Niketas should be painted with "beard and hair as for the Saviour"Š. 69It would appear that the Kovaliovo martyr bears a greater resemblance to St. Nicetas, but we cannot rule out the possibility of identification as St. Artemios. 70hus, the selection of holy warriors in Kovaliovo corresponds almost entirely to the Byzantine hierarchy of the warrior saints: George, Demetrios, Nestor, Merkourios, Prokopios, Niketas (Artemios?).As for composition, the row is headed by the seated St. Demetrios, with St. Nestor and St. George, the warriors traditionally linked to him, below.All the Kovaliovo warriors belong to the rank of megalomartyrs (except St. Nestor), their names are mentioned first in the list of warrior saints on the proskomide and in numerous hagiographical sources abd literary works. 71The standards bearing their image were carried on Christian feast days (St.George, St. Demetrios, St. Prokopios, the two St. Theodores). 72As a sign of gratitude for their assistance in battle, many churches were dedicated to the most venerated warrior saints: St. George, St. Demetrios, St. Theodore, St. Prokopios and St. Niketas. 73These warrior saints were most often included in church wall paintings of the Palaiologan epoch.
Interesting conclusions can be drawn when we observe the arrangement of warrior saint figures in the iconographic programme of the Kovaliovo church.The positioning of the row of warrior saints on the north wall was traditional for the fourteenth century art and has numerous parallels in the Balkans and Novgorod.Figures of the holy warriors are located in areas close to the altar in the lower part of the naos in many Serbian and Greek fresco ensembles.In Serbia their images were often placed in the choir (e. g. at Ravanica, Nova Pavlica, Ljubostinja, Kaleni}, Resava), and where there was no choir, on the north and south wall (e. g. at Rama}a, Koporin). 74At the same time priority in placing the warrior saints figures was given to the north wall of the naos adjacent to the prothesis and usually including the scenes of Christ's Passion in the upper zones.In the Novgorod Church of St. Theodore Stratelates, the figure of an unknown young warrior in the northern part of the prothesis acts as a continuation of the row of warrior saints on the north wall of the naos.Hence, the positioning of warrior saints figures among the frescoes of the northern part of the church is connected to the unchanging dedication of the north wall to Christ's; the martyrdom of the holy warriors has been compared with this victory.
However, another theme can also be seen at Kovaliovo.The Passion cycle located above the row of warriors on the north wall comes to an unusual conclusionit ends with the compositions of the "Transfiguration" and "Upon Thy Right Hand Did Stand the Queen".This ending to the cycle reveals the full meaning behind the fresco programme, which reflected essential concepts of the late Palaiologan epoch.The correlation between the composition "Did Stand the Queen", included in Russian monumental wall painting for the first time, and the warrior row beneath it (the warriors on the north wall and St. Demetrios have their faces turned to the altar and towards this composition) calls to mind a composition widespread at this period -"The Celestial Court".In some ensembles this theme included images of Christ and the Virgin as in the composition "Did Stand the Queen", and also the row of saints, who are led by the warriors ‰Church of the Dormition at the Monastery of Treskavec (ca.1340), 75 Monastery of King Marko, 76 the Church of St. Nicholas at Nira near Skopje (ca.1380)Š. 77In the Kovaliovo church, the row of warrior saints ends on the north wall under the composition "Did Stand the Queen", while St. Demetrios enthroned is presented in the same zone and immediately beside some important scenes of the Great Feasts (with the "Transfiguration" on the right side).Although depicting a version more traditional for Novgorod, it is possible that the artists wished to convey the semantic correlation of the warrior-martyrs and the Royal Deesis.Thus, the row of holy warriors is dynamically turned towards the image of Christ the High Priest, the semantic focus of the frescoes in the church as a whole.
Many iconographic characteristics of the Kovaliovo warrior saints indicate that their painters had a detailed knowledge of the monumental fresco cycles in Byzantium and the Balkans.These include the classical details on the armaments, such as the crowned lion framed with a decorative pattern on St. George's shield and the mascaron in profile derived from the classical head of the Gorgon Medusa, a device that would terrify any approaching enemy, on the shield of St. Merkourios.
Armament decorations with the classical prototypes are not customary attributes of a particular military saint.Similar decorations can be seen on the shields of various holy warriors, for example the lion motif on the shield of an unknown warrior embellishing the west pillar of the Sopo}ani Holy Trinity church (ca.1265), 78 or another unknown warrior at the Church of the Virgin Ljevi{ka. 79oreover, the mascaron decoration of armaments was more common than the crowned lion motif in the second half of the fourteenth century.Analogous masks in profile appear on the shields of St. George at Lesnovo, 80 St. Theodore Stratelates on the southern choir of the Holy Apostles church at Pe}, 81 St. Theodore Teron in the Church of St. Andrew on the Treska River, 82 St. Demetrios in the fresco at the Monastery of King Marko, 83 and in the icon of the same saint from this monastery, dated ca.1400 (now at the Museum of Macedonia, Skopje). 84 the early Palaiologan period classical motifs were increasingly used in fine art and literature.The tradition was passed on to painting in the second half of the fourteenth century.These motifs, whether the heraldic lion or the more frequent image of a human face, for example on St. George's shield in a mid-fourteenth century Byzantine icon at the Byzantine Museum in Athens, 85 are found in images of the most highly venerated warrior saints.This was the practice at Kovaliovo, too.Notably, no such detail has been preserved, for instance, in the extensive row of warrior saints at the Church of St. Theodore Stratelates in Novgorod.Some of the warriors at Kovaliovo and also a number of other figures are depicted beneath arches supported by columns painted to look like marble: St. Nestor and St. George, and also an unknown prophet (Isaiah?) and unknown holy monk (Barlaam?) on the east and north sides of the southwest pillar.The motif is drawn from a very early source.Clearly, at the cusp of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, there was renewed interest in an already existing tradition -an arch framing the figures of the most venerated saints, often patrons of the church.The importance of such frescoes was closer to that of a venerated icon.An example of this can be seen with the figure of St. Niketas at the Church of St. Niketas in ^u~er near Skopje (after 1321). 86In Staro Nagori~ino the templon gate is flanked by two fresco icons of the Virgin and St. George (also, the patron of the church), placed beneath moulded, decorated arches on relief columns; this unusual iconostasis is continued by images of the Virgin and Christ Pantokrator, also beneath arches, on the west sides of the pre-altar pillars. 87In the Church of the Virgin Ljevi{ka, the same motif is used for figures in the lower zone on the other pillars (e. g. the iconography of the St. George, painted under an arch adorned with palmettes on the west side of the southeast pillar, is similar to that of the Kovaliovo fresco).This motif was obviously widespread in the Balkans: arches are placed above the figures of saints in the refectory at the Hilandar Monastery on Mt.Athos (the frescoes from seventeenth century). 88The mastery of the marble imitation and also the counterbalanced base and elaborate capital of the Kovaliovo arches call to mind the best Byzantine models.At the same time, an important characteristic of the Kovaliovo frescoes style is retained: despite the many Byzantine prototypes, this painting blends well with the Novgorodian tradition (figures beneath arches have been preserved in the Church of St. George at Staraya Ladoga and also in the Church of the Holy Saviour at Nereditsa). 89ence, the use of classical details on the armament, as well as the architectural elements of the frescoes, which are not typical for other Novgorod frescoes from the second half of the fourteenth century, show yet again that the Kovaliovo fresco painters had some knowledge of Balkan art.
All these facts prompt a new approach in deciphering the origin of the artists working in the Kovaliovo workshop.As we have seen, the numerous and sometimes unusual for Novgorod iconographic features of the wall paintings confirm that the Kovaliovo masters were not local and not Russian, but migrants.There are a number of parallels consistent with the Thessalonician art tradition, but not directly related.This is also indicated by the analysis of the inscriptions on the Kovaliovo frescoes.Unfortunately, no information has been preserved regarding the origin or name of the master who headed this workshop.In a half-lost inscription over the door to the church from the narthex the phrase "…inã pisa" ("…painted") cannot automatically be interpreted as a direct reference to the artist's nationality ("Serbian" -"serbinã", "Greek" -"gre~inã", etc.).It could well mean, for example, "Konstantinã pisa" ("Konstantin painted this"); by the way, such an inscription was preserved on a costume detail of a holy warrior in the north choir at Ravanica. 90It should be observed that the space before the end of the inscription seems intended for several words.According to Anatoly Turilov, who examined the inscriptions on the Kovaliovo frescoes at our request, the specifics of orthography exclude the possibility that the master was of Serbian or East Bulgarian origin.
Analysis of the stylistic features in the Kovaliovo wall paintings leads us to similar conclusions.Firstly, it obliges us to reject the theory that the Kovaliovo frescoes resemble the paintings of the Morava school in Serbia, an interpretation posited for a while in various publications.A comparison of Novgorod church frescoes and Serbian fresco ensembles shows that Kovaliovo is almost devoid of figures that seem detached or self-absorbed.All the saints actively interact with the beholder, conveying a sense of inner composure and unwavering strength in spiritual endeavours (fig.10).Here the military theme is expressed as the visual manifestation of an arduous battle with evil, a characteristic theme in Orthodox culture during the second half of the fourteenth century.It should also be noted that the treatment of St. Demetrios and the other warriors as victors against spiritual as well as corporal enemies precisely reflects the overall tone of the Kovaliovo paintings, which were after all monastic despite their iconographic and stylistic variety.This circumstance played an important role in the formation of the iconographic programme: twenty-six figures of monks, hieromonks, stylites, nuns, anchorites and anchoritesses can be found in the naos, narthex and even the sanctuary at Kovaliovo -an impressive number for a small church, even when compared to extensive Serbian cycles (e. g. sixteen at Lesnovo).The monastic character of the ensemble becomes the basic and unifying tonality of the frescoes: the monks are depicted in a state of intense inner activity, with scrolls whose inscriptions reflect the stages in their battle against the spiritual enemy (fig.10).
The unity of the Kovaliovo ensemble is in many ways defined by this state of high spiritual intensity.On the other hand, the paintings in the Morava churches have another resonance that could be described as paschal, a sense of the celestial harmony of an inner world, of peace and detachment from any external or even internal struggle. 91The classical structural balance, the juxtaposition of bright localised tints and the typology of the imagery distinguishes also Kovaliovo from frescoes in other contemporary Novgorod churches connected to southern Slavic masters -the exquisitely elegant frescoes in the Church of St. Archangel Michael in the Skovorodsky Monastery with their delicate colours and sentimental tone, and the weighty monumental images addressed to an inner realm in the Church of the Nativity at the Cemetery.
Within the tradition of Novgorodian monumental painting the best Kovaliovo frescoes seem to bear the legacy of their great predecessor, Theophanes the Greek (the Church of the Transfiguration, painted in 1378).In some images (primarily in the dome and the altar areas) the sculpturally accurate foreshortenings, a sense of the anatomical structure of the human body, and also the swift brushstrokes indicating flashes of mystical light on the faces and forming locks of hair and supple clothing contours, create a feeling of inner dynamics with outer quiescence that is similar both in the technique and intonation of the images to frescoes by Theophanes the Greek (figs.11, 12, 13). 92Of course, the painting of the illustrious Byzantine master has its own unique qualities: a sense of might, grandeur, scale, laconic brevity and the bold lines of an esquisse.One of the most significant differences between the two fresco ensembles is that the wisdom of vision from an empyrean realm and a certain detachment in the saints of Theophanes the Greek's frescoes run counter to the solidity and earthly tensions of the Kovaliovo images.However, the fresco ensemble created by the great Byzantine artist just two years before the painting of Kovaliovo undoubtedly played a role 88 Z. Raki}, Zidno slikarstvo XVII veka, in: Manastir Hilandar, ed. G. Suboti}, Belgrade 1998, 264. 89 V. N. Lazarev, Drevnerusskie mozaiki i freski XI-XV vv, Moscow  1973, il.220,227; V. D. Sarab'ianov, Tserkov' Sv.Georgiia v Staroi Ladoge.Istoriia, arkhitektura, freski, Moscow 2002, ill.22, 23, 43, 44, 68, 86.  9\uri}, Vizantijske freske, 94. 91 The lyrical intonation in Palaiologan art created a monolithic trend -both in stylistic and chronological sense.We must remember, that the frescoes of Kovaliovo were painted much earlier than the frescoes of the Morava churches (the wall painting of Ravanica date back to the years 1385-1387). 92Unfortunately, the most of frescoes of this type decorated the upper compartments of the church.That is why the images, which inspired N. P. Sychov and V. N. Lazarev, can be seen practically only in archival photos.This part of the painting includes the figures of prophets and angels in the dome of the church.But we also have some images of excellent quality in the low zones of the painting -and the restorers could assemble them.For example, we can mention the image of the "Man of Sorrows", and the figures of St. Constantine, St. Helena and some other saints.
in the formation of the wall paintings at the Transfiguration monastery near Novgorod.
The character of the Kovaliovo wall paintings can be defined as the artists' attempt to reproduce superb classical archetypes, but with some very original features of their own invention.Even in the best frescoes -for example, in the images of the prophets Elijah, Jonah and Joel -there is a sense that the form of the classical model has shifted, and this is expressed particularly in the accentuated physiognomy (faces at a three-quarter angle have a broken outline, and the faces of male figures are elongated with sharply prominent cheekbones; figs.15, 16).But this characteristic applies even more to another group of images: among them, several Gospel scenes in the naos and narthex, saints such as St. Merkourios, St. Catherine and St. Niketas the Confessor (fig.17).They are marked by fragmentation of the fine white lines on the faces, a certain dryness and schematism in the facial features and apparently "bulging" eyes.The variety of artistic techniques and diverse methods of depicting the image undoubtedly complicate any attempt to find the tradition that guided the Kovaliovo painters within the late Palaiologan art.
Hence the stylistic features, details of the iconography and paleography of the inscriptions confirm the Balkan origin of, at least, some members of the Kovaliovo workshop, who were undoubtedly familiar with traditions from the most important centres of the Byzantine art.As we know, the historical situation in the Balkans during the 1370s was characterised by the active migration among various categories of the population including diverse artists and craftsmen between the Greek and the Slavic territories.After the Battle of Maritsa in 1371, the general instability of the states that remained on the southern Slavic territories caused many painters to seek fertile soil for their art further north, particularly in Novgorod.This explains the amplitude of Novgorod wall painting in the last third of the fourteenth century, including the frescoes in the churches built several decades earlier.According to the research of G. Majeska,   this period (1373-1382) saw unprecedented number of travels between Byzantium and Rus. 93Many of the migrant masters brought to Novgorod their own traditions, almost always a reflection of Byzantine cultural centres.
It is not only important to determine what specific centre the Kovaliovo painters originated from, but also to ascertain how freely they could enter a different national culture in the context of the fourteenth century.As we have seen, the Kovaliovo frescoes (considering the ensemble as a whole) clearly inherited a certain stylistic influence from Theophanes the Greek.The iconographic programme easily fits into contemporary Russian culture, which reflected the country's spiritual uplifting and a concentration of forces at the time of the Battle of Kulikovo.The Slavic artists that created the Kovaliovo fresco ensemble brought their own tradition to Novgorod, but instead of mechanically reproducing their art, they organically contributed to the culture of this city in northern Russia.The combination of iconographic elements (at times, the new to Russian art in detail, but forming an unique ensemble) shows that the creators of the programme were highly educated, while the best Kovaliovo images reveal the author's advanced understanding of both the general spirit of the times and local artistic tastes.All this points to a deep-reaching unity in the Slavic culture of the fourteenth century.In one artistic workshop masters of diverse origins could freely work together without weakening the monolithic character of the fresco ensemble.The Kovaliovo frescoes are proof of a level of cultural and spiritual affinity among the Slavic peoples that is hard to imagine in the modern world, of a time when artists could work in various and sometimes widely dispersed centres in the Orthodox Christian world, while at the same time conserving their own traditions and retaining the local artistic micro-climate.

Fig. 1 .Fig. 2 .
Fig. 1.The scheme of the painting in the naos (view to the west)

Fig. 5 .
Fig. 5.The warrior saints in the lower zone of the north wall

Fig. 10 .
Fig. 10.St. Akakios of Sinai Fig. 9.St. Helena participation of Nestor become an almost integral part of the hagiographic cycles devoted to St. Demetrios.Moreover, abbreviated versions give preference to the scene where St. Demetrios is pictured enthroned, blessing Nestor. 40