On the trail of a painting bequeathed to St . George ’ s abbey on the islet near Perast The testaments of Nycolaus and Johannes Glauacti ( as of 1327 and 1336 ) *

The paper reviews the last will of the Kotor nobleman Nycolaus Marini 
 Glauacti made in 1327 to bequeath to St. George’s church on the small island 
 near Perast a depiction of the Madonna, St. Nicholas and St. John the 
 Baptist. On the one hand, the legacy is analyzed in the context of the 
 compositions involving the three saints in Kotor’s religious medieval art 
 and, on the other, in the context of ad pias causas bequests and the concept 
 of preparing for a good death (ars moriendi). The contents of the testaments 
 of Nycolaus and his brother Johannes Marin Glauacti as of 1336 are 
 contrasted, especially in terms of the number of pro remedio animae items 
 bequeathed and their distribution. A special emphasis is laid on the 
 comparison of the representations between the Franciscan and Benedictine 
 Orders as the recipients of pious bequests. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke 
 Republike Srbije, br. 177003: Medieval heritage of the Balkans: institutions 
 and culture]

On June 20, 1327, the last will of the nobleman Nycolaus Glauacti was notarized in the Kotor court.This wealthy merchant had compiled his testament on his deathbed, very ill but of sound mind: Ego quidem Nycolaus condam Marini Glauacti infirmus iacens, sanam tamen habens memoriam et loquelam, facio hoc meum ultimum testamentum.After a succession of various religious bequests for the salvation of the soul, at the end of his testament, Nycolaus also bequeathed an extraordinary legacy, the only one of its kind within the saved corpus of Kotor testaments from between 1326 and 1337. 1 This native of Kotor from the noble Glauacti family expressed the desire for the depictions of the Madonna, St. Nicholas (Nycolaus) and St. John the Baptist to be placed in the old Benedictine St. George abbey on the small island near Perast: Item relinquo, quod pignatur in ecclesia sancti Gregorii ymagines virginis Marie, sаnctorum Nycolai et Iohan-nis Batiste.2Nycolaus expressed his desire to represent the saints in whom he trusted, in a somewhat unusual way, as if he had decided on this at the end of compiling the testament.Namely, the sentence follows the final part of the testament, which relates to the ad pias causas bequest, and immediately following the reminder that Marinus Mechsce (Mexe), a famous Kotor nobleman and businessman, was in his debt.
The testament legacy of the depicted painting is not the only issue to be dealt with in this paper.Nine years after the notarization of Nycolaus' testament, on April 15, 1336, the testament compiled by his brother, Johannes (Giue) Glauacti was also notarized in the Kotor court. 3he contents of the Glauacti brothers' bequests, when viewed as an entity, provide abundant material that raises several important topics relating to the religious practice of the first half of the fourteenth century.In terms of their significance and complexity, these topics are rather exceptional issues, although in this case they intersect and complement each other, creating a framework for a deeper understanding of Nycolaus' painting bequest.Accordingly, it is necessary to conduct an analysis along several lines of investigation, which convene in a single point and enable a general conclusion.Thereby, the course of study will move in the following direction: the first task will be to review the possible motives for Nycolaus Glauacti's bequest of the depiction of the Madonna, Sts.Nicholas and John the Baptist.Furthermore, it is necessary to present a short overview of compositions involving the three saintly figures in Kotor's medieval religious art.This overview is also correlated with the singularity of the sacred place for which the bequest was intended -the Benedictine abbey which had a great significance and an exceptionally long tradition in Kotor.This is undoubtedly a rather surprising choice on the part of the beneficiary as regards the legacy, as well as the contents of the other bequests made by Nycolaus for the salvation of the soul.Nycolaus Glauacti mostly referred to the Franciscan order using the testamentary structure pro remedio animae, which was common for the period.This is, at the same time, another important issue that demands thorough explanation, especially having in mind that the Glauacti brothers' testaments were not uncommon in this regard, as the greater part of the testamentary bequests went to the Franciscans.It should be stressed that these two testaments, together with the last will of Jelena filia condam ser Medosii de Drago, were the three leading Kotor testaments in terms of the number of individual items bequeathed.In such a context, the bequest to the Benedictine Order and its old St. George's abbey near Perast on the part of Nycolaus Glauacti acquired a special meaning.Accordingly, in conclusion, this bequest is compared to other ad pias causas bequests in the Glauacti brothers' testaments which, viewed together, shed light on the medieval endeavor to partake as actively as possible in "preparing for a good death".
The last wills of the Kotor noblemen, the bothers Nycolaus and Johannes Glauacti, are a veritable treasury of information for studying the testamentary practice during the first half of the fourteenth century.Both testaments were compiled very vigilantly, with numerous premeditated religious and caritative bequests within the framework of the salvation of the soul.However, even though Johannes' testament takes priority according to the amount of individual (smaller or larger) item legacies, Nycolaus' legacy to depict the Madonna in the Benedictine abbey, along with Sts.Nicholas and John the Baptist, is a special act of bequeathal for several reasons.As mentioned already, this matter concerns a unique example of a bequest in the Kotor testaments from the third and fourth decades of the fourteenth century.Furthermore, it should be mentioned that such a legacy is an extraordinary instance of the testamentary program of preparing for a "good death".In that context, one should view Nycolaus' testamentary addressing of the Madonna and the guardian saints as an authentic expression of faith in their significance for the salvation of his soul and those of his family.
St. John the Baptist and St. Nicholas belong to the order of communio sanctorum saints which had particularly developed cult followings in the medieval Kotor commune.This especially refers to St. Nicholas, who was for centuries celebrated as the holy guardian of many important aspects of Kotor's commerce, the navy and the church. 4During the compiling of Nycolaus' legacy, there were many churches and monasteries in the city and the surrounding area which were dedicated to these saints. 5earing in mind the source which noted the depicted representation, it is Nycolaus' personal reasons which need to be shed light upon regarding the choice of saints.Nycolaus Glauacti compiled his testament on his deathbed (infirmus iacens) at a time when thoughts about soul salvation were particularly intense.In that context, his bequest to the Benedictine church should be viewed as an expression of faith in the saints whose names the brothers Nycolaus and Johannes Glauacti bore and who were undoubtedly their singular guardians.
The sentence which Nycolaus used to put across his bequest offers no insight into the development, iconography, not even the technique in which the depiction should be carried out.Namely, Nycolaus used the term ymagines and thereby it is not absolutely certain whether this referred to an altar depiction (an icon) or a fresco. 6mplicitly, we can assume that a fresco was in question, considering that an altar was not mentioned, but only a portrayal of the preferred saints and the Madonna depicted in the church (pignatur in ecclesia). 76 The Latin phrase imago was analyzed in different contexts of medieval religiosity with a special regard on the personal relationship of believers and the twelfth-century painting developed in Benedictine monasteries by J.-C.Schmitt, La culture de l'imago, Annales.Histoire, Sciences sociales 51/1 (1996) 3-36.
7 Another painting commissioned for St. George's abbey is also known, but it dates from the fifteenth century.This is a large altar painting done by the prominent Dubrovnik painter Matko Junčić during his stay in Kotor (from 1441 to 1446).From the preserved contract it is clear that it was a gilded polyptych (unam anchonam pro altare magno) with fourteen painted figures of saints in a woodcut for the main altar of St. George's church, cf.J. Tadić, Građa o slikarskoj However, it is possible to address the formal side of the bequeathed depiction and its basic scheme, this being a composition with three saintly figures.This is a scheme seen often in the sparsely preserved medieval frescoes in Kotor.The first known composition of this type can be found in the church of St. Luke, on the south wall of the west aisle (Fig. 1). 8It is dated approximately around 1200, based on a specific combination of Byzantine and Roman Catholic iconographic and style features.Three saintly figures are depicted: in the middle, there is an elderly bishop surrounded by two young martyrs in noblewomen's attire.Having in mind that the inscriptions were not preserved, there are merely assumptions regarding the identification of the depicted figures. 9he relief built into the entrance passageway into town from the marina side, which depicts the Madonna with the Child flanked by St. Tryphon and St. Bernadine of Siena (Fig. 2) should also be mentioned. 10In the context of images based on this type of composition in Kotor, we should also make reference to a mental image, which has an equal weight for understanding the predilection of Kotor's residents and the popularity of the depiction.This concerns the vision of the Blessed Osanna of Kotor (1493-1565), mentioned by her biographer, the Florentine Dominican Serafino Razzi (published in Florence in 1592).Namely, in the vision, Osanna saw the Madonna surrounded by St. Tryphonn and St. Vincent Ferrer. 11 Both cases, the školi u Dubrovniku XIII-XVI v., 1, Beograd 1952, 257.On the biographical data and the opus of the painter Matko Junčić cf.V. J. Đurić, Dubrovačka slikarska škola, Beograd 1963, 55-61. 8 The fresco was discovered in 1971 and soon after the first published comments ensued: A. Skovran, Novootkrivene freske u crkvi sv.Luke u Kotoru, Zograf 4 (1972) 76-78; V. J. Đurić, Vizantijske freske u Jugoslaviji, Beograd 1975, 28-29, 190; idem, Freska u crkvi Sv.Luke u Kotoru, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 21/1 (1980) 225-240; V. Pace, L' affresco nella chiesa si San Luca a Cattaro (Kotor) e il ricordo della chiesa di Roma, in: Crkva Svetog Luke kroz vjekove, ed.V. Korać, Kotor 1997, 107-111. 9 It is believed that the depicted bishop is St. Basil, and the female saint with the crown is St. Helena, cf.Skovran, op.cit, 76-78.According to another identification, the Roman pope St. Sylvester was depicted, surrounded by martyrs St. Catherine and St. Barbara or St. Ana, cf.Đurić, Freska u crkvi Sv.Luke u Kotoru, 225-240.The third insight was given by Valentino Pace, who claimed it was difficult to determine based on the liturgical adornment whether the depicted prelate belonged to the Greek or Latin church, while he believed that, of the female saints, only St. Catherine and St. Marina (Margaret) were depicted, cf.Pace, op.cit, 107-111.I would like to point out that when identifying the female martyrs in St. Luke's, one should bear in mind the appearance of the female saints in the Cathedral architrave, painted in the first half of the fourteenth century.On these frescoes: J. Popović-Grgurević, Prilog poznavanju zidnog slikarstva u katedrali sv.Tripuna u Kotoru, Boka 21-22 (Herceg-Novi 1999) 107-137; V. Živković, Religioznost i umetnost u Kotoru (XIV-XVI vek), Beograd 2010, 225-229,  et passim.That is, along with St. Catherine (who was depicted in the church of St. Luke), also depicted was a signed St. Margaret with a headscarf and dressed as a noblewoman.
10 Оn this relief cf.J. Stojanović-Maksimović, Nekoliko priloga istoriji umetnosti u Boki Kotorskoj, Spomenik Srpske akademije nauka 105 (1956) 51-52.On the relief from the standpoint of the development of the cult of Franciscan preachers from the Observance Order, St. Bernardine of Siena, in Kotor, cf.Živković,Religioznost i umetnost,[88][89][90][91][92] This presumably involves the influence of the composition Madonna della Misericordia on the visions of the local Kotor reclusa incarcerata, blessed Osanna, cf. V.Živković, Visions of the Blessed Osanna of Kotor (Cattaro), IKON 6 (Rijeka 2013) 225-236.Two studies which review the significance of artistic representation in forming mental vi-relief composition and the vision, have to do with the cults of saints officially venerated in the town, as they were considered to be special guardians of the commune.
Two significant examples of such a tripartite scheme also originate from the sixteenth century: the Madonna surrounded by St. Tryphon and St. Nicholas on the pallium embroidery, cited during the 1523 Cathedral inventory, 12 while the second example is the altar painting of the Fraternity of Leather-makers, signed by Hieroniymo da Santa Croce -P. (Fig. 3). 13This Venetian painter (1480-1556) depicted St. Bartholomew in the middle, flanked by St. George on a horse and St. Antoninus, the archbishop of Florence. 14s already mentioned, Nycolaus' choice of tripartite depictions is the bond between the individual act of reverence and the communal predilection of the time which strongly influenced the inclination of individuals towards certain types of compositions.On the other hand, one should bear in mind that religious works of art exert a strong impact on the pious for long after their emergence. 15ccordingly, the significance of this depiction (if it indeed was carried out) for collective adulation should not be underrated.The phenomenon of collective veneration brings to the fore the issue of the choice of the bequest recipient.The selection of the old Benedictine St. George abbey as the sacral space for the depiction of the Madonna with St. Nicholas and St. John the Baptist can today be observed only in the wider historical context, that is, within the framework of the interweaving of the influence on religious practice on the part of the Benedictines on one side and the mendicants on the other. 16In this way, it is possible, to a certain extent, to deduce the personal reasons which impacted Nycolaus' choice of recipient.
The Benedictine monasterio Sancti Georgii de Golpho Cathari on the islet of Perast was mentioned for the first time in 1166 in various sources.It was then that Abbot Johann (Johanne Abbate Sancti Georgii) attended the blessing of the altar in the newly built Kotor cathedral of St. Tryphon. 17The abbey was founded by the Kotor municipality in honor of the old city patron, St. George, who was celebrated as a guardian of the commune prior to St. Tryphon. 18In this way, the municipality gained patronage over the abbey and the church, and Kotor noblemen were appointed as abbots.Secundum antiquam consuetudinem, as the Kotor statute stated, the people of Kotor appointing two noblemen per year as St. George's procurators. 19The Kotor bishop blessed the St. George church near Perast in 16 The correlation between the Benedictines and the mendicants was reviewed in detail in several works by Ivan Ostojić: idem, Dodiri između benediktinske i franjevačke ustanove u Hrvatskoj, Crkva u svijetu 1 (Split 1966) 39-49; idem, Susreti između benediktinskog i dominikanskog reda u Hrvatskoj, Bogoslovska smotra 36/3-4 (Zagreb 1967) 703-711.The transforming of Benedictine monasteries into Franciscan was a frequent occurrence especially with female monasteries.Тhis also happened in Kotor; cf.I.  Sv.Tripuna u Kotoru (1166-1966), Kotor 1966, 42, sl. 4. 18 During the entire Middle Ages, in Kotor there remained the memory of the old town patron which had a great impact on the town governance and administration.All the new council functionaries were appointed on the holiday of St. George, cf.Statvuta civitatis Cathari.Statut grada Kotora, ed.J. Antović, Kotor 2009 (hereinafter: Stat.Cath) cap.I, VI, XXXIX, CXI. 19Kotor council lost its patronage over the abbey in 1634, which was taken over by the Venetian Senate, while the abbot was appointed by the congregation in Perast.On the history of the Benedictine abbey of St.
1247, on which occasion the relics of St. George and the holy martyrs Abdon and Sennen and St. Innocent were laid. 20  and influential in earlier times, Benedictine monasteries owned large swathes of land.This was also the case with St. George's abbey, which had in its possession numerous vineyards and property in the vicinity, but it was the management of the property which incurred the conflicts.
Along with specific episodes of disputes and accusations mentioned in written sources, 24 the constant lack of trust is clearly supported by the fact that in 1318 this legal case was incorporated in the Kotor Statute as a legal provision according to which money lending was prohibited, as well as renting houses or property to St. George's abbey without the approval of the monastery procurator appointed by the municipality. 25n the Kotor testaments from between 1326 and 1337, there are several examples of bequests to the Benedictine abbey of St. George.Except for Nycolaus, his brother Johannes Glauacti also commemorated the Benedictines before expiring, bequeathing money to as many as three Kotor monasteries of this order: four perpers to the monks and the abbot of St. George's, six perpers to Benedictine nuns and two perpers to the nuns of St. Martin's. 26St. George's abbey also received donations from Jelena Medosii de Drago (land with chestnut trees in Stoliv), 27 Stane, filia Mechigne, 28 Nuce, uxor condam Iohannis Iurre 29 and Dome, relicta condam Nuce de Gon- 24 In 1229, the Bishop of Kotor, Blasius, together with Archbishop Tryphon, the archdiocese, town magistrates and nobility, threatened with excommunication all those who loaned funds to Abbot Matheus or the monks, or who bought land of St. George's abbey, cf.Farlati VI, 439.Pavao Butorac also pointed out that Franciscans were taking over the role of the Benedictine Order in this area, cf.Butorac, Opatija Sv.Jurja kod Perasta, 13. 25 Stat.Cath, cap.CCLXXXV (De imprestito non faciendi abbati) 265.Furthermore, during the self-government of Kotor the law according to which the said monasteries could by no means be rented, exchanged, gifted or sold was adopted, cf.Stat.Cath, cap.XIV, 366-367.The following author wrote about this: L. Blehova-Čelebić, Hrišćanstvo u Boki 1200-1500.Kotorski distrikt, Podgorica-Cetinje 2006, 118, et passim.In the time of Duke and Captain Giovanni Balbi, in 1431, the Great Council, which also included Squire Petrus Glauacti, made a decision on protecting the church and St. George's monastery, as monastery land was constantly being put up for sale.Two procurators were appointed who were to take care of the restitution of the alienated property, restoring and finishing the works on the church, except for the clothing and food for the abbey and two priests residing within the monastery.It was revealed that the staircase which led into the monastery was prone to demolition, and that the roof and the church quire were leaking.Accordingly, one hundred perpers would be taken from the monastery income every year, fifty on the holiday of St. John the Baptist (Birth, June 24) and fifty on Christmas.The procurators were obliged to use these funds to mend the church building as necessary, cf.Stat.Cath, cap.XII, 435-438.In order to prevent any legalizing of sales, donations and renting of monastic real estate, especially during the emancipation of the serfs working in the vineyards, in 1405, the Great Council banned all financial transactions with the then Abbot Antonius, who came from Bitonto (Puglia), cf.Stat.Cath, cap.XIV, 289-290.
27 A court proceeding ensued on the occasion of her testament on April 3, 1333, MC I, 1132.Оn Jelena's legacy for the salvation of the soul, cf.V. Živković, Poslednje zaveštanje kotorske vlastelinke Jelene Medoševe Drago, Istorijski zapisi 85/1-2 (2012) 37-48. 28Stana's testament has not been preserved, merely the court verification dated Oct. 20, 1327, that her epitropes had carried out the last will and testament stipulation that her vineyard was to be bequeathed to St. George's abbey, MC I, 423. 29In primis volo, quod vinee et terre mee de Fase fiant monasterii sancti Georgii pro anima mea et viri mei, et paulillum de vinea, qod est in terra sancti Donpnii, similiter fiat monasterii memorati... MC I, 718.(15.8. 1331.)ni. 30Other Benedictine monasteries in Kotor also received bequests by Deacon Grube Abrae, the abbot of St. Mary's Collegiate Church; 31 Cathena, the daughter of the deceased Marinus Blinus; 32 Mare, the widow of Brathoslaus, 33 and Theodorus Gige. 34s already pointed out, the details related to possible creation and the fate of the depiction bequeathed by Nycolaus Glauacti are unknown.As it cannot be maintained that the artwork was indeed painted, we speak of the composition of the Madonna with St. Nicholas and St. John the Baptist as merely a legacy conforming to the concept of the salvation of the soul, which was noted in written form in the testament.Accordingly, it is necessary to analyze the testamentary scheme pro remedio animae, that is, the arrangement of the bequeathed gifts first in the testament of Nycolaus Glauacti, and then in the testament of his brother, Johannes Glauacti.This involves two testaments which are not uncommon for the age in terms of their general elements, but which contain numerous peculiar details.Both testaments were inscribed by the Kotor notary Phylippus Mathei, by origin an Italian from the town of Osimo (Marche), who held this position, with  short intervals, from 1326 to 1337. 35According to form and contents, the testaments from the first half of the fourteenth century in the Kotor municipal office abide by the changes in the dynamics of notarization of the last wills and testaments which occurred in western European cities, that is, in late-medieval Dalmatian towns.The testament validity was authenticated by the Kotor Statute, while the first prerequisite to make testaments valid was their introduction into notary books.Furthermore, the Kotor Statute limited the sum which could be bequeathed ad pias causas. 36he first thing that was noted in the two Glauacti brothers' testaments is that they contained numerous individual item bequests.The majority of them could also be found in the testament of Jelena Medosii de Drago: she made more than fifty item bequests for the salvation of the soul, Johannes Glaucti around thirty, while Nycolaus had about twenty distinctive bequests.The increase in the number and type of individual item bequests ad pias causas coincided with the changes in the choice of caritative donation recipients.The bearers of the new teaching, which was reflected in numerous segments of religious practice of the later middle ages, were the mendicants.The Franciscans and the Dominicans promoted the teaching that the ad pias causas donation, regardless of its monetary value, would help the believer secure the salvation of his/her soul on the death bed.Also, the novelties which the mendicants preached about were directly reflected on the structure of the testamentary legacy.Accordingly, for the salvation of the soul, numerous vulnerable categories of population within medieval society received donations: the destitute, the ailing, and widows.Every testamentary donation which ensued from the idea of caritas belonged to the legacy ad pias causas category. 37On the other hand, 35 Phylippus did not sign his name at the end of each abbreviation but at the beginning of the document he started to work with as a notary.Each abbreviation always started with the day and month, while the year and indication was used only at the beginning of each following year and during duty takeover, cf.Ivković, Diplomatički elementi najstarije očuvane notarske knjige u Kotoru, 232.During the conflict between Kotor and the Pope over the appointment of bishops, in 1330, Phylippus received the mission to travel to Avignon for the pro facto episcopates negotiations, after which Kotor nobleman Luka de Palma pro sua superbia refused to accept the mission.On Phylippus of Osimo, cf.N. Fejić, Kotorska kancelarija u srednjem veku, Istorijski časopis 27 (1980) 17, 36-37.The decision on sending Phylippus of Osimo to Avignon in: MC I, 508.
the increase in the number and type of testamentary bequests to the church for the salvation of the soul is an integral part of the religious and devotional practice induced by the teachings on the forgiveness of sins and giving indulgences. 38umerous donations to the church and the poor for the salvation of souls can be seen in the testaments of the Glauacti brothers.In Nycolaus' testament, these bequests were classified at the very beginning.It is important to stress the bequest plan: the Franciscan monastery in Dubrovnik was the bearer of the first рro centum missis cantandis bequest, followed by the Kotor Franciscans рro aliis centum missis.After the Franciscans, Nycolaus bequeathed pecuniary funds to clerics -first the Kotor bishop, and then individual priests (dompno Sergio, dompno Iohanni Boni, dompno Pasche, dompno Vite, dompno Dobroslauo).The structure of the testament of Nycolaus Glauacti is exceptionally comprehensible and lucid -these bequests were followed by a request pro scriptis ecclesiarum decem perperos, after which the bequest to the Benedictine abbot was mentioned abbati veteri sancti Georgii and the Benedictine abbey monasterio sancti Georgii.Following this, Nycolaus bequeathed funds to certain women (most probably destitute), followed by Regine monache nuns and the poor.After he allocated ten perpers dompno Iacobo de Millolo for the testament of Draga, his wife, he pointed out how Marinus Mechsce was in his debt and it was only then that the bequest of the painted composition in St. George's abbey was mentioned.At the very end of the testament, Nycolaus Glauacti mentioned a bequest pro orphanis et pauperibus, but that his epitropes should use wisdom to distribute the resources as best as possible.As an epitrope, he appointed the priests Iacobus de Milolo, Gregorius Guimanoy, et Giue, fratrem meum, presente et consentiente omnibus suprascriptis Domagna, filio meo. 39n exceptionally large number of religious and caritative bequests for the salvation of the soul were bequeathed in 1336 by Nycolaus' brother Johannes (Giue) Glauacti, a very influential Kotor merchant. 40At the beginning of the testament, the circumstance of compiling the last testament is mentioned, using the common ex- 38 From the late Middle Ages, the church promised absolution for every donation to the church.A review and meaning of indulgences was provided by R. W. Shaffern, The Medieval Theology of Indulgences, in: Promissory Notes on Treasury of Merits.Indulgences in Late Medieval Europe, ed.R. N. Swanson, Leiden 2006, 11-36.In the context of death in the Middle Ages, indulgences as a preaching topic were reviewed by Daniel Balup, La Muerte y la penitencia en la predicacion de las indulgencias en castilla a finales de la edad media, Edad Media.Revista de Historia 6 (Valladolid 2003-2004) 61-89. 39 MC I, 338. 40 In the testament of Johannes Glauacti there was a suspicious deletion (cancellatura suspecta) about purchasing property worth five hundred perpers for the clerics of St. Tryphon's.Johannes's widow Jelena consented to leave out this part, but she introduced the provision that following her demise, the mentioned property was to be purchased for the clerics from her husband's funds according to the cited value pro anima Giue antedicti et suorum defunctorum, ut perpetuo at annuatim faciant quatuor vigilias antedictas, cf.MC II, 1042 (15.4.1336.)The business activities of Johannes Glauacti most often were linked with trading of metals (silver and copper), cf.MC I, 525, 554, 555; MC II,  248-250, et passim.Also, in  pression for deathbed wills: Ego Johannes Marini Glauacti iacens infirmus, sanam tamen memoriam et loquelam habens, facio meum ultimum testamentum de rebus meis.Johannes's testament exemplifies the considerable role which the Franciscans had in different segments of religious life, especially within testamentary practice and the choice of recipients.The first bequest was one thousand perpers to the Franciscan monastery in Kotor, and from this sum three hundred perpers were allocated for mass in the same monastery, one hundred for chalices, and for the entire church vesture (paramentum unum completum, una planeta dalmatica consueta) valuable two hundred perpers.To the Franciscans, who inuenti fuerint in morte mea, he bequeathed vestments and footwear, six perpers to a Franciscan monk, and one perper for footwear (pro soleis), while to Friar Stefan, the lector, he left twenty five perpers for the breviary, and twenty perpers to friar Laurentius pro libro uno.He left twenty perpers for handiwork on the house of the Franciscans, and the remaining twenty five perperswere to be used to create a planeta nigra in ecclesia fratrum minorum.To the Franciscans from Dubrovnik he left twenty perpers for works on the church, and forty perpers for Mass, and he also left a bequest to the Poor Clares from Dubrovnik.Along with the Franciscans, Johannes also gave donations to the Dominicans: to the Dubrovnik Dominicans he bequeathed funds for holding a thousand Masses.Johannes wished to be buried in Kotor's Franciscan monastery, beside his father.
Closely linked with emphasizing the Franciscans within the testamentary legacy is a very interesting issue which was pointed out in the segment of Johannes's salvation of the soul.Namely, elements of ars moriendi can be seen in the bequests of Johannes Glauacti.From the time when testaments became a necessary part of an increasingly widespread idea of preparing for a "good death", the church strengthened its influence on the contents of the last bequests of the faithful.To die without putting things in order and reconciling with God was considered to be dishonorable, and the art of dying and preparing for a good death were the topics of numerous manuals written at that time.The manuals instructed that in order to ensure a "good death" it was necessary to be surrounded by family members while dying, as well as by clerics praying for one's soul, members of the fraternity, but also witnesses of the testament.Along with taking the last communion and confessing sins, incessant uttering of prayers and calling upon the name of Good was essential. 41The phenomenon of death and the salvation of the soul underwent the most significant changes with the emergence and adoption of the concept of Purgatory.The last moments of life on this earth were the last opportunity to make one's peace with God and prepare for the passing of the soul into "the other world". 42In the fourteenth century, death developed the form of a ritual with a solid social form in which the dying had the main role, surrounded by the family, friends and clerics.This is the conceptual framework in which the following legacy by Johannes Glauacti: Et similiter singulis fratribus, qui inuenti fuerint in morte mea, sint tunica et scarpe should be observed.In the same context, Johannes turned to friar Luka, who was absent: Item, si frater Lucas de Cataro non interfuerit in morte mea, habeat perperos septem Venetos pro tunica et soleiis. 43Regardless whether this bequest referred to the presence of the Franciscan at the deathbed of the dying in the Glauacti home, or to the three usual days of vigil (vigilia) by the body of the deceased for the funerary ceremony, 44 the words of Johannes Glauacti clearly point to the ars moriendi concept.
The presence of elements related to preparing a "good death" in the Kotor testamentary and funerary practice are in accord with the interpretation of Nycolaus' bequest -the painted composition of the Madonna with Sts.Nicholas and John the Baptist in St. George's abbey on the islet near Perast, in the context of ars moriendi.What distinguishes Nycolaus' legacy from the others that conform to the same concept is that this donation, if it was carried out, evolved from a personal desire for the salvation of the soul and became a part of the communal sacral area of the old Benedictine abbey.
logical symbols, has a significant place in Boccaccio's Decameron.In many of his novels, Boccaccio gave a special imprint on the spiritual and emotional state of a human being on his/her deathbed, as well as the experience of death by the public.Оn this: J. Usher, Boccaccio's "Ars Moriendi" in the Decameron, The Modern Language Review 81/3 (Belfast 1986) 621-632.
42 Оn this issue, cf.Ž. Le Gof, Nastanak čistilišta, Sremski Karlovci-Novi Sad 1992; M. Vovelle, La mort et l'Occident de 1300 à nos jours, Paris 1983; R. Wunderli, G. Broce, The Final Moment before Death in Early Modern England, The Sixteenth Century Journal 20/2 (Kirksville 1989) 259-275. 43Sirana, a resident of Kotor, bequeathed money for a tunic for friar Lukas in 1327, MC I, 365.The vestments of the Franciscans were symbols of mercy and the salvation of the soul with their destitute and simple appearance.It was an external expression of what they preached in their teachings.Their simple habit as a symbol of privation was close to medieval men, especially those living on the edge of destitution.On the forming of the Franciscan concept of poverty as a developed intellectual project (based on the personal example of the founder of the order), v. N. Şenocak, The Making of Franciscan Poverty, Revue Mabillon 24 (Turnhout 2013) 5-26.
44 It should also be mentioned that Johannes also bequeathed two perpers to any priest who was in town during his death (Item volo, quod cuilibet presbytero, qui inuentus fuerit in ciuitate Catari in morte mea, dentur perperi duo Veneti).On the type of wake at the bier and the prayer of the funerary practice in late medieval Kotor, v.

Fig. 3 .
Fig. 3. Girolamo da Santa Croce, St. George, St. Bartholomew and St. Antoninus, the first half of the sixteenth century, the Cathedral of St Tryphon, Kotor (photo: Z. Čubrović) Somewhat earlier, in 1221, the blessing of the altar of St. Mary's Collegiate church in Kotor was attended by the abbot of St. George near Perast.21Thelinksbetween the Benedictine abbey, the Kotor cathedral and St. Mary's Collegiate church were exceptionally strong.Namely, the abbots of St. George had the duty to attend services in the Kotor cathedral during the St. Tryphon feast -Abbas Perastinus S. Georgii ad rem divinam solemni ritu ac caeremonia faciendam ex antiqua consuetudine invitari solet.22It is exceptionally important to stress that, again according to an old tradition, the abbot of the St. George monastery near Perast was obliged to hold Mass in St. Mary's Collegiate church on St. Tryphon's Day.According to a legend, while transporting the relics to Kotor, those of St. Tryphon were first brought to St. George's abbey.The Mass in St. Mary's Collegiate church remains a commemoration of this event.This tradition was recorded in 1688, when on the occasion of the Bishop's canonical visit to St. Mary's Collegiate church, the abbot of St. Mary's explained that the transporting of the relics of St. Tryphon was celebrated in the Collegiata in the same way as in the Cathedral.On that occasion, the abbot recounted to the bishop the story of how Dominick, the abbot of St. George's, had committed himself to the Kotor Bishop Meliciates (1326-1328) that he would, among other things, visit St. Tryphon Cathedral for its yearly celebration, unless otherwise directed (formula sacramenti quo Dominicus Caenobiarcha S. Georgii saum fidem, atque obedientiam Episcopo Meliciaccae).23Thebequest of Nycolaus Glauacti dates from June 1327, during the term of Bishop Meliciates, which indisputably speaks in favor of the formidable influence which the Benedictine abbey enjoyed in the time of this Kotor bishop.The history of the old Benedictine abbey near Perast was marked by numerous conflicts between the abbot of St. George's and the Kotor Bishopric.Very powerful George nearby Perast, cf.Ostojić, Benediktinci u Hrvatskoj, II, 489-492.P.Butorac, Opatija Sv.Jurja kod Perasta, Perast 1999. 2   20 Ego Deodatus epsicopus ecclesiae sancti Tryphonis de Catharo ad petitionem capituli ecclesiae eiusdem, communitatis eiusdem civitatis, ac Georgii abbatis coenobii sancti Georgii, dedicavi ecclesiam sancti Georgii, ad laudem dei et honorem sanctae Mariae, nec non aliorum sanctorum, quorum reliquiae hic continentur: sancti Georgii, Abdon et Sennnen martyrum, ac sanctorum Iinnocentium.Que ecclesia praedicti loci erat praedecessorum totius communitatis Catharinae.Venerabilem dei ecclesiam guberante Innocentio apostolico, domino autem Uroscio regnante.Quod praesens scriptum fieri feci per notarium praedicte communiatis, cum manu propria et signo consueto, cf.Farlati VI,  439; Smičiklas, Codex diplomaticus, IV, 326 (no.289).The relics of the saints Abdon and Sennen (In sanctorum Abdon et Senen martirum eorum pes et manus) are mentioned as being safeguarded in 1515 in theSt.Tryphon Cathedral in Kotor; cf.Stjepčević, op.cit, 37.21 Smičiklas, Codex diplomaticus, III, 207-208.22FarlatiVI,427,465-466.23FarlatiVI, 444.In this document, Butorac noted "an allusion to an ancient tradition, that the abbot of St. George performed a church service on Jan. 13, when the body of St. Tryphon was brought to Kotor", cf.Butorac, Opatija sv.Jurja kod Perasta, 18-19.Due to the fact that the service was performed on Jan. 13 in St. Mary's Collegiate church in Kotor, Don Ivo Stjepčević presumed that, until the construction of the St. Tryphon Cathedral, the relics of the new patron of Kotor were buried in this church, cf.Stjepčević, Katedrala, 54,  93-94, n. 270.The presumption that St. Mary's Collegiate church was the original cathedral of Kotor supports this theory, cf.J. J. Martinović, Ranohrišćanska krstionica ispod crkve svete Marije od Rijeke u Kotoru, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 29 (1990) 21-31.
court and notary documents, Johannes is often mentioned as a moneylender, especially for trade voyages, cf.MC I, 31, 56, 76, et passim.