Communica-The murals in the Church of the Virgin Eleousa in Veljusa and Byzantine painting of the second half of the eleventh century*

The author gives an analysis of the style of the murals in the Church of the Virgin Eleousa in Veljusa (1080–1093), pointing out the distinctive manner of the outstanding artist, similar in many ways to works produced by the previous generation, such as the frescoes in Saint Sophia in Ohrid. At the same time parallels are drawn between the Veljusa frescoes and works by Constantinopolitan artists of the last third of the eleventh century, including miniatures in manuscripts and the Daphni mosaics. A few additions to the interpretation of the church’s iconographic programme are also proposed.

The Church of the Virgin Eleousa in Veljusa was constructed in the year 1080 by the monk Manuel, Bishop of Tiberioupolis (Strumica), as we know from two inscriptions above the entrances. 1 The building takes the form of a tetraconch with a narthex and a side-chapel on the south. Each of these three parts is topped by a dome. The exquisite proportions, well-developed articulation of the façades, fine profiling of the niches, door and window openings, the use of the concealed course technique and the decoration of the exterior with painted imitation of brickworkall these features may indicate that Bishop Manuel invited Constantinopolitan builders to Veljusa (Fig. 1). 2 * The research was prepared with the financial support of Russian Science Foundation,, at the Research Institute for Theory and History of Architecture and Town Planning, branch of the Central Research and Project Institute of the Construction Ministry of Russia (Moscow). I would like to express my warmest gratitude to His Eminence Metropolitan of Strumica Naum for the permission to make photographs in Veljusa and to publish them, to father Konstantin Mitev and to the community of Veljusa Monastery for their kind help and hospitality. ** zakharova@inbox.ru 1 P. Miljkoviḱ-Pepek, Veljusa. Le monastère de la Vierge de Pitié au village de Veljusa près de Strumica, Skopje 1981, 32-33, 40-41, crt The study of the murals in the Church of the Virgin Eleousa began back in the 1920s and grew particularly active after the uncovering of the frescoes in the main body of the church between 1958 and 1970. 3 Interest was aroused primarily by the innovative iconographic programme, the details of which were written about Vojislav Đurić, Gordana Babić and others. 4 The greatest contribution to the study of the Veljusa ensemble was made by Petar Miljković-Pepek. He devoted a number of papers to the edifice, as well as a monograph in which he summarized the results of analysis of the written sources and archaeological work, gave a complete description of the ensemble, set out reasons for dating the original frescoes to the late eleventh century (possibly between 1085 and 1093), proposed a reconstruction and interpretation of the iconographic programme and examined the artistic characteristics of the murals. 5 Elizabeta Dimitrova has  Đurić, Vizantijske freske u Jugoslaviji, Beograd 1974, 11-12, 180-181, n. 5. 4 V. J. Đurić, Fresques du monastère de Veljusa, London 1982, 199-202, 208; A. J. Wharton, Art of empire. Painting and architecture of the Byzantine periphery. A comparative study of four provinces, University Park -London 1988, 116-118; S. E. J. Gerstel, Beholding the sacred mysteries: programs of the Byzantine sanctuary, Seattle-London 1999, 22-23, 37-39, 84-85. 5 P. Miljković-Pepek, Oltarna pregrada manastira Bogorodice Milostive u selu Veljusi, ZRVI 6 (1960) 137-139; idem, Za nekoi novi podatoci od proučuvanjata na crkvata Sv. Bogorodica vo s. Veljusa, KN 3 (1969) 152-158; idem, Najnovi proučuvanja na crkvata Sv. Bogorodica Eleusa, Kulturen život 5-6 (Skopje 1970) 24-25; idem, Novootkrieni arhitekturni i slikarski spomenici vo Makedonija od XI do XIV vek, KN 5 (1974)  The murals in the Church of the Virgin Eleousa in Veljusa and Byzantine painting of the second half of the eleventh century* summarized the main results of previous researches in several surveys and a work of popular scholarship. 6 The original murals in the Church of the Virgin Eleousa have survived only fragmentarily. The conch of the main apse is occupied by a figure of the Virgin and Child enthroned. Below is one of the earliest depictions of the Officiating Bishops, two of whom are shown frontally, while two, holding opened scrolls, are bowing to the Hetoimasia that has a Cross, Gospel and the dove of the Holy Spirit. 7 The Gospel cycle at Veljusa was probably reduced to the three feasts in the side conches, of which the Presentation in the Temple on the west and the Harrowing of Hell on the north have partially survived, together with fragments of the figures of saints in the arches between the conches.
Placed in the dome is a half-length depiction of Christ Pantocrator in a medallion and then between the windows of the drum figures of a Virgin Orans, John the Baptist, two archangels and four prophets, which represents an unusual combination (Fig. 2). Đurić and some other scholars have interpreted this as a transitional stage, bringing together depictions of the Pantocrator and prophets typical for the eleventh-twelfth centuries with echoes of the Ascension more common in the preceding tions, ed. M. A. Gavrilis, Athènes 1981, 499-510;idem, Manastirot Bogorodica Milostiva (Eleusa)  period. In the New Testament text itself that is already interpreted as a prophecy of the Second Coming, from which they concluded that the group of Mary, John the Baptist and the archangels is an allusion not only to that theme, but also represents a Deesis of sorts. 8 Objecting to such an interpretation, Nikolaos Gkioles points out that the depiction of the Virgin and John the Baptist in the dome along with the Pantocrator and prophets was innovative in character as it stresses the divine nature of the Incarnate Word. 9 It seems that this is attested to by the texts on the scrolls held not only by John the Baptist, but also some of the prophets, 10 which does not, however, exclude an eschatological component. Jeremiah's scroll traditionally carries a verse from the Book of Baruch (3, 36): Οὕτος ὁ Θ[εὸ]ς ἡμῶν οὐ λογισθήσεται ἔτερος πρὸς αὐτόν· ἐξεῦρεν πάσαν… ("This is our God; no other can be compared to him!"). 11 Written on Habakkuk's scroll 8 Đurić,Vizantijske freske,12;Veljusa,177;Dimitrova,The Church of the Holy Virgin,15. 9 Ν. Γκιολές, Ο βυζαντινός τρούλλος και το εικονογραφικό του πρόγραμμα (μέσα 6 ου -1204), Αθήνα 1990, 109-120, 210-211. 10 John the Baptist's scroll carries a Gospel quotation (Jn 1, 29) traditional for his iconography: Ἴδε ὁ ἀμνὸς τοῦ Θ[εο]ῦ ὁ αἴρων τὴν ἀμαρτίαν τοῦ κόσμου ("Behold, the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world!"). The identification of the figures of the prophets was made by Petar Veljusa,178 Veljusa, 1080, view from the East (photo: author) 39 is a passage from his own prophecy (Hab 3, 3) that is usually associated with the Virgin Mary: Ὁ Θ[εὸ]ς απο Θεμὰν ἤξει καὶ ὁ ἅγϊος ἐξ όρους κατασκΐου δασέως ("God came from Teman, and the Holy One from the shadowy mountain"). 12 Inscribed on David's scroll are words from Ps 28, 11: Κ[ύριο]ς ἰσχὺν τῶ λαῶ αὐτοῦ δώ-σει· Κ[ύριο]ς εὐλογήσει τον λαὸν αὐτοῦ ἑν εἰρήνη ("May the Lord give strength to his people! May the Lord bless his people with peace!"), while David is usually depicted with extracts from other psalms. 13 The final prophet, who can only provisionally be identified as Ezekiel on grounds of iconographic similarity, is holding a scroll carrying a text that does not belong to any of the Old Testament prophets: Κ[ύρι]ε ὀ Θ[εὸ]ς ἡμῶν στερέωσον τὸν οἵκον τοῦτον καὶ πρόσδεξαι τὰς ἑν αὐτῶ πρὸς … ἀγομέν… ("Lord our God, make firm this house and accept in it to…"). In meaning and lexicon this is close to the words of the canticles used at the Feast of Enkainia, some of which are occasionally found in inscriptions at the base of a dome. 14 This choice of quotations in the scrolls of the prophets is evidence of the founder's par-12 S. Sobkovitch, Les préfigurations mariales dans l' art byzantin: évolution des principaux types, Paris 2011 (doctoral dissertation, Paris Sciences et Lettres University) 42, 96-99, 314 et passim. The previous verse from the prophecy (Hab 3, 2) is used just as frequently and has the same typological meaning (v. Gravgaard,Inscriptions,[44][45][46]. 13 Gravgaard, Inscriptions, 26-34; Τ. Παπαμαστοράκης, Ο διάκοσμος του τρούλου των ναών της Παλαιολόγειας περιόδου στη Βαλκανική χερσόνησο και την Κύπρο, Αθήνα 2001, 187-190. 14 Π. Ν. Τρεμπελάς, Ακολουθία και τάξις εις εγκαίνια ναού, Θεολογία 23/3 (Αθήνα 1952) 377, 383, 387; Παπαμαστοράκης, Ο διάκοσμος, 75. ticular desire to link the themes of the Incarnation and the founding of the monastery.
The murals in the narthex have not survived, apart from fragments of a medallion, a halo and the inscription IC in the dome. Miljković-Pepek hypothesized that the Ancient of Days was depicted here, which accords logically with the depiction of Christ Emmanuel in the dome of the southern side-chapel. 15 Thus one symbolizes the eternal existence of the Word and the unity of the Holy Trinity, the other the Incarnation. At the same time, the depiction of the Emmanuel in the dome of the side-chapel is testimony to Christ's human nature, while the depictions in the other two domes attest to His divine nature. Thus, the three images in the domes, Ancient of Days -Pantocrator -Emmanuel, form a sequence that reveals Church dogma about the Incarnation and the Holy Trinity. 16 The programme for the apse is connected with the same area of dogma. Depicted beneath the Virgin and Child there are saintly bishops officiating before a Hetoimasia, which is in this instance at the same time a symbol of the Holy Trinity and of the Sacrifice of the Incarnate Word of God. 17 The image of the Emmanuel in the side-chapel correlates not only with the depictions in the other two 15 Miljkoviḱ-Pepek, Veljusa,[191][192][193][194][195][196]. 16   domes, but also with the composition in the apse of the chapel. Placed there is an unusual depiction of Christ on a rainbow within a mandorla of glory that is being borne upwards by two angels -a theophanic vision, also attesting to the divine nature of Christ and reminding the viewer of the Second Coming. Theophanic visions of the most varied kinds were quite often placed in the apses of churches in the ninth-eleventh centuries, especially, but not exclusively, in the eastern provinces of the empire. 18 Yet precisely this version of the scene has no exact analogues in monumental painting. 19 Constantinople, CA 51 (2003-2004 45-53. 19 Vojislav J. Đurić believed this to be an early depiction of the Synaxis of the Archangels, but that hypothesis is difficult to accept (idem, Fresques du monastère de Veljusa,114,[117][118]; idem, Vizantijske freske, 12). compared it with a few compositions close in meaning among miniatures of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. 20 The latter suggested that this scene might be a depiction of the vision of Saint Niphon. 21 That rarely depicted saint is shown to the left of the apse on the eastern wall of the chapel, above a niche containing a half-figure of another, unknown, saint and opposite Saint Panteleimon. The Vita of Niphon, which circulated quite widely in the eleventh century, tells of God granting him several visions. 22 The 20 Babić,Les chapelles annexes,[101][102][103][104][105]Veljusa,[205][206] Miljkoviḱ-Pepek, Veljusa,[206][207][208][209][210] Materialy z istoriï vizantiĭs'ko-slov'i͡ ans'koï literatury ta movi, ed.   Veljusa, 1080Veljusa, -1093 41 depiction of Christ in the chapel apse can indeed be interpreted both as an illustration of one of those visions and as a generalized version of a theophanic vision that should be considered in the overall context of the iconographic programme. Thus, the iconographic programme of the Veljusa frescoes is idiosyncratic and reflects not only theological ideas that were important for the time, but also the founder's own considerations. So, what sort of a man was the founder?
Quite a lot is known about Bishop Manuel from the chrysobull that he obtained for his monastery from Alexios I Komnenos in 1085 and the typikon that he compiled some time after. 23 Veljusa, 1080-1093 and is not mentioned again, from which one can conclude that by that time he was already dead. 25 Some of the information from the documents attests to the founder's erudition, to his interest in theology and art. The typikon that he compiled is written in fine literary language and abounds with references to Scripture, the world of the Church Fathers and monastic writings. Books of this sort figure among the 68 manuscripts listed in an inventory of the monastery's property drawn up later. 26 Some of them would have belonged to the founder, as, apparently, did some of the almost three dozen icons and other works of art: icons including a depiction of the founder, of his patron saints Manuel, Sabel and Ismael, of Saint Auxentius, the founder of the monastery in Bithynia named after him, and of Saint Stephen the Younger, who was a monk there. 27 The Bishop of Tiberioupolis is mentioned among those who attended the local Church Council convened in Constantinople in 1082 to deal with John Italos. 28 After an investigation that had lasted several years, John Italos was accused, among other things, of teaching incorrectly about the Incarnation of the Word and the unity of the three persons in Christ. 29 Veljusa, 1080-1093 cussion of these matters with other Church leaders and experts on theology prompted Bishop Manuel to have his own conceptions set down in the murals of the church that he had built. 30 Interestingly, in both the texts of the typikon and the imperial chrysobull of 1085 he comes across as a conservative, an opponent not only of heresies, but of innovations of any sort, yet the iconography of the frescoes in the Church of the Virgin Eleousa is innovative, even experimental in character. 31 The church itself, its architecture, decoration and frescoes are the finest testimony to the founder's grasp of artistic matters, his love of art and his ties to artists from the capital.  Barmin). 30 In her very important work on the correlation between fresh iconographic subjects and the Church councils of the late eleventh and twelfth centuries, Gordana Babić mentions the council that condemned John Italos among the first. However, since liturgical matters were not raised there, the scholar does not connect it with the appearance of Officiating Bishops and other iconographical innovations at Veljusa, where she believed the frescoes were painted in the first half of the twelfth century, several decades after the foundation of the church in 1080 (Babić, Les discussions christologiques, 383). Vojislav J. Đurić was one of the first to propose an early date of circa 1080 for the Veljusa murals, pointing to the possible reflection of these theological disputes in them (idem, Vizantijske freske, 181, n. 5). The correctness of his view is confirmed by evidence of the founder having participated in the council of 1082. 31 Miljkoviḱ-Pepek, Veljusa, 219.
All the scholars who have written about the Veljusa frescoes have observed that their style derives from the traditions of art in the second quarter and middle of the eleventh century that they have called "monastic", "hieratic", "ascetic" and other terms. 32 In Veljusa this manifested itself primarily in a preference for monumental shapes with a sense of volume. On the other hand, the same authors noted that the ensemble displayed new tendencies that developed further in the twelfth century, such as the combination of painterly modelling with linear stylization techniques and the particular expressiveness of the countenances.
It seems to me that it is both interesting and necessary to develop on these ideas. The Veljusa frescoes are undoubtedly the creation of an outstanding artist 33 that 32  Below, following the example of my teacher Olga Popova, I shall call this tendency "ascetic", in view of the character of the austere style of the mosaics and frescoes focussed on spiritual values, irrespective of the social status of those who commissioned them. 33 Miljković-Pepek believed that the Veljusa frescoes were the work of two artists and also attributed to one of them the frescoes on the one hand bears the imprint of his individuality and on the other reflects a whole range of contradictory tendencies belonging to a complex transitional epoch in the history of Byzantine art. For a fuller understanding of this in Vodoča and an icon of the Eucharist in the Ohrid Gallery of ca. 1100 Veljusa,(218)(219). In my view, the original style of a single artist can clearly be detected in the surviving parts of the original painting in Veljusa (of which more below), while the resemblance to fragments of the Vodoča frescoes and the Ohrid icon is only of the most general sort, insufficient for an attribution to the same artist. multifaceted phenomenon we need to examine the characteristics of the painting at Veljusa in more detail.
Despite the fragmentary preservation of the murals, it is evident that the scale of the figures and compositions was correlated very well to the architecture. In the small, exquisitely organized space of the church that opens up with four conch-petals to the sides of the dome a monumental stasis reigns, a majestic rhythm. The individual figures are placed widely and without constraint. The compositions in the side conches are inscribed splendidly into their shapes and treated laconically, without superflu- All the figures have somewhat heavy proportions, large heads, broad shoulders, powerful arms, long legs with massive thighs and large feet. Even the archangels here do not look like incorporeal beings. They too have strong shoulders and broad silhouettes, emphasized by the spread of the wings. The Virgin Orans and interceding archangels are frozen in solemn poses; the four prophets are presented from a variety of angles and in Ezekiel is walking to the right and reading as he goes, unrolling the scroll with both hands and bending low over it. Jeremiah is standing stock still, looking straight ahead and presenting the open scroll in his left hand. David is also showing an unfurled scroll, but his more relaxed pose and less decisive gesture conveys contemplation and reasoning. His right hand is gesturing towards the text; his head is slightly bowed and turned to the left, his gaze directed towards the viewer. The young Habbakuk is shown in contrapposto, as is David, but his lithe body is imbued with impatient, dance-like movement. His trunk and head are still turned towards the scroll in his left hand, while his gaze has already turned to the right, following the sweep of the blessing hand on that side. John the Baptist is presented in a similar manner: his gaze is directed towards the worshippers, while his powerful figure is shown taking an energetic step, the direction of which is indicated by the right hand raised in blessing and the unrolling scroll in his lowered left hand. The artist skilfully employs not only the poses and movements, but also the drapery to heighten the emotional characterization of the personages. With Ezekiel, Habakkuk and John the Baptist, the clothing cascades down, forming diagonals and uneasy clumps with wavy edges. The edges of their cloaks flutter from the rapid movement and hang in the air. In the case of Mary and King David, the drapery falls calmly and majestically, while with Jeremiah it forms heavy conglomerations. The shapes of the folds in the clothing are varied and natu-ral, according with the figures' movements. Lying at their foundation is strong, confident drawing and classic modelling with gradual lightening of the primary hue and final addition of linear details. The plastic modelling and drawing do not contradict, but rather mutually complement each other.
The monumental treatment of figures and painterly plastic working up of the shapes seen at Veljusa is closest to the murals in the Church of Saint Sophia in Ohrid, which were probably created by artists from the capital invited by Archbishop Leo in the last years before his death in 1056. 34 There is a strong resemblance to their large, broad-shouldered, big-boned figures shown either in a state of majestic calm or else in energetic motion filled with an inner force. The prophets in the drum at Veljusa can be compared to the apostles from the Ascension or the Eucharist in Ohrid (Fig. 9). In both places the powerful sculptural quality of the abundant, elaborately draped folds heightens the emotional tension.
However, at Veljusa, in contrast to the Church of Saint Sophia in Ohrid, there is only occasional use of the stylized geometricized shapes of folds and highlights that were characteristic of art in the second quarter and mid-   dle of the eleventh century. Here both the drawing and the plastic modelling are more natural and finer, which accords with the classic tastes of the early Komnenian period. In the case of Ezekiel or Jeremiah, the elaborate pattern of folds in the himation and the large surfaces that gradually lighten with the subtlest play of half-tones produce the effect of a soft silky fabric, conveying the volume of the rounded shapes of the thighs, knees and forearms. In this respect the Veljusa frescoes are even comparable to the miniatures in some metropolitan manuscripts of the 1060s-80s, such as the portraits of the Evangelists in a Gospel Book (Cod. Theol. gr. 154) in the Austrian National Library in Vienna 35 (Fig. 10)  were in general characterized by images of a different type -harmonious, refined and contemplative.
That sort of classic treatment of large monumental forms is found in the Daphni mosaics of the late 11 th c. (Fig. 11). 37 This statement applies above all to the figures of the prophets in the dome, where the absence of any action and the placement of the separate figures in the broad areas of wall between the windows predisposed towards the appearance of similar static poses, weighty proportions and majestic, sumptuous drapery. However, while in Veljusa such forms contain, as it were, an increased reserve of robustness and conceal tremendous energy within, at Daphni that impression completely melts away due to the difference in scale and colouring. The figures hovering at a great height in the glow of the golden hemisphere of the dome seem lightweight. The light-coloured clothing resembles clouds. Optical effects transform the material reality.  frescoes and the particular types of faces with their specific expressiveness are to a large extent rooted in the art of the previous generation. Such conservatism was generally quite a widespread phenomenon in the art of the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries, as scholars have repeatedly noted. 38 The most notable works belonging to this tendency include mosaics in northern Italy, above all those from the first stage of work in Saint Mark's Cathedral in Venice and Santa Maria Assunta on the island of Torcello, which were probably created by artists from Constantinople. 39 Those mosaics are akin to the Veljusa frescoes in their grand monumental structure, the weighty proportions of the figures and the austere character of the images. One of the chief means of expression in them, however, is graphic stylization, which is not generally characteristic of the Veljusa artist. The line of continuity connecting the Veljusa murals back to the art of the "ascetic tendency" becomes especially evident when one examines the depictions of the Virgin Mary, Christ Emmanuel and the young saints: they reproduce a type that took shape in the second quarter and middle of the eleventh century (Figs. 12, 13). The heads have a regular round shape that is repeated by the outlines of a luxurious coiffure or veil, symmetrically arched eyebrows, the smooth contours of plump cheeks and chin. The faces have rather heavy proportions: a low forehead, wide cheekbones, straight fleshy noses and massive chins. All the features are large and precisely outlined, which invests them with a particularly powerful expressiveness concentrated in the unseeing, remote look of the huge eyes, the size of which is emphasized by the dark contours of the eyelids and the shadows around them.
While taking this type as a basis, the Veljusa artist experiments boldly with it. In some instances he reproduces a model from the second quarter of the eleventh century almost precisely. For example, the Christ Emmanuel in the dome of the side-chapel is almost indistinguishable from the angels in the Panagia Chalkeon in Thessaloniki (1028) (Figs. 14, 15). 40 He has the same thick eyebrows, chubby cheeks and lips with fancifully curving outlines, and at the same time huge slightly rounded eyes enclosed by dark vel-  vety contours with a bottomless gaze from their frozen pupils. This pronounced disproportion in combination with the stylized pattern of highlights on the forehead and ruddiness on the cheeks, as well as the strong emphasis on all the outlines, invests the image of Christ Emmanuel with a sense of abstraction and significance. In other cases, the Veljusa artist strengthens the material and sensual components in the images. He brings the proportions of the eyes closer to normal, gives the gazes a specific direction and a definite character and uses slight asymmetry in the line of the brows, lips or shadows to produce a hint of movement (Figs. 16, 17). The actual texture of the painting of the face becomes more corporeal and tangible, while also varying slightly depending on the desired effect. Sometimes the painter employs more thorough and gradual modelling of volume. Often, however, his painting technique grows more pastose, the brushstrokes becoming smooth and flowing in some places, rapid and precise in others. This produces certain illusionistic effects and enriches the emotional content. For example, in the countenance of the right-hand archangel colour reflexes have appeared in the shadows, as well as gliding white highlights on the ridge of the nose, in the corners of the eyes and by the nostrils, along the edge of the upper lip. All this brings animation and immediacy: it seems as if some question is about to slip from the archangel's lips, while in his eyes we detect wonder and excitement. Similar devices have been used in the depiction of the prophet Habakkuk, in which external and internal movement are expressed even more clearly (Figs. 8,18). His countenance is shown at an angle, with the movement of the eyes seeming to be in advance of the turn of the head: the gaze is strongly off to the side and directed straight at the viewer. In combination with the exaggerated size of the eyes and other facial features moulded with large contrasting brushstrokes, this produces a very powerful impression.
The same bold manner of painting becomes even less constrained in the depictions of the elders. In the image of the prophet Ezekiel, who is shown half-turned, the type used is not so noble-looking (Fig. 20). Frowning bushy eyebrows, squinting eyes, a large fleshy nose with a bifurcation on the bridge, protruding brow ridges and cheekbones, thick lipsall these features convey the tense concentration with which the prophet is reading his scroll. This somewhat coarse expressiveness is matched by a more dynamic painting technique, with contrasting brushstrokes for the highlights, which are reminiscent of the stylized forms of late Komnenian art.
It is interesting that the Veljusa artist, while sometimes resorting to stylization of the shape of highlights, ruddy patches and other elements of the countenances and figures varies their parameters freely. In some cases, he  Veljusa, 1080-1093 makes them larger and geometrically regular, as in the art of the second quarter and middle of the eleventh century, in other cases more dynamic and fanciful, anticipating the linear stylization of the twelfth century. Comparisons can be drawn with some of the images on Torcello and in Saint Sophia in Novgorod (1109) with their tense, expressive gazes, but in both those ensembles, drawing plays a much more important role (Fig. 19). 41 In contrast to the painting of the following century, in the Veljusa frescoes linear stylization is only an ancillary device, and that is what sets them fundamentally apart from other works of the archaizing tendency around the turn of the twelfth century.
The primary significance at Veljusa belongs to the shapes of the volumes, which carry a powerful emotional charge and not to abstract structures of contours and light rays. The internal sense is embodied rather in the particular expressiveness of the faces with large, active features, in the dynamic way the faces are painted, in the contrasting modelling with colour and light. In this aspect, the Veljusa painting bears most resemblance to the frescoes of Saint Sophia in Ohrid, where many of the images are imbued with very high tension, with a burning, even dramatic quality. 42 Psychological concreteness is produced with the aid of sharp movements and looks, asymmetry in the facial features, deep wrinkles and shadows, contrasting modelling with bright flares of light.
The Veljusa artist was very familiar with these devices and examples, and he drew extensively upon that arsenal. Many of his personages bear a direct resemblance to the frescoes of Saint Sophia in Ohrid. The prophet Ezekiel can be compared with the apostle Andrew from the Ohrid Eucharist (Figs. 20, 21). They are alike in their similar proportions and the shapes of their facial features -rather plain and heavy, with a low frowning forehead and broad cheekbones that are emphasized by the stylized pattern of the highlights and ruddy patches. The keen expressiveness of the sidelong gazes is accentuated by the contrast of shadows and white brushstrokes. The dynamic manner of painting heightens the tension of the images, invests them with a powerful dramatic character, an immense inner strength.
The image of Saint Niphon is treated in the same spirit. His half-figure is painted on the eastern side of the opening between the main body of the church and the southern side-chapel (Fig. 22). Saint Niphon seems gigantic, hanging above the narrow passageway. A similar exaggeration of the scale of the figures can also be seen in Saint Sophia in Ohrid, for examples in the half-length depictions of saintly bishops in the bema. Most impressive of all, however, in the depiction of Niphon are the individuality and the psychological specificity. The saint's round head looks like a ball, and that resemblance is underlined by the stylized pattern of the grey curls at the temples and the patch of light shining on the bulging high forehead. Otherwise, the facial features appear natural: they are large, but commensurate, with certain individual nuances. The small eyes beneath bushy brows have an attentive gaze. The curves of the attractively outlined bright lips transitions into the asymmetric curls at the tips of the moustache, giving the appearance of a slightly mocking half-smile. The characterization is made sharper by the neat graphic stylization of this motif. In combination with elements typical for the Veljusa depictions, such as broad cheekbones, a short nose with a chubby tip and a full beard, this all gives Niphon a good-natured, even cheerful appearance. Such psychologism also has close analogies in Saint Sophia in Ohrid, although in that ensemble a sterner, more austere, at times even gloomy character prevails in the images. This is true, for example, of Saint Eustathius of Antioch, who bears an outward resemblance to Niphon. At the same time, though, his countenance carries a different expression -harsh, even vehement. His brows are not merely frowning, but bend angrily above flashing eyes, while his tight-pressed lips curve as if in disapproval (Fig. 23).
In late eleventh-century art there was undoubtedly also a diversity of physiognomic types and psychological characterizations. This trait manifested itself vividly in the Daphni mosaics ensemble. Researchers have justly writ- 42   ten about the turning to the heritage of Antiquity and the "humanistic" conception that form the basis of the classic style of those mosaics. 43 In general they are marked by refined mastery, genteelness and striking beauty. The Daphni mosaics predominantly present noble faces, elegant and majestic figures, natural poses and calm movements, a soft sculptural modelling of shapes and harmonious combinations of colours. Yet even in that ensemble one occasionally comes across unattractive faces with irregular features, ones with a deliberately common look, highly individual or even grotesque ones. Among them it is possible to find personages that bear an outward resemblance to the Veljusa images. The prophets Zephaniah, Elijah, Elisha, Jeremiah and others have the same powerful figures, broad-shouldered and strong, with muscular necks, large heads and thick shaggy locks. 44 The faces, too, are similar with broad cheekbones, low foreheads, heavy chins and large noses. For example, Ezekiel in Veljusa bears a strong resemblance to Zephaniah in Daphni, and also to that ensemble's Jeremiah with his fleshy humped nose, thick brightly coloured lips, small squinting eyes and lumpy skin (Fig. 24). Yet a superficial resemblance of certain human types and artistic devices does not lead to an identity of content. The prophets in Daphni do not carry that charge of inner energy invested in the Veljusa frescoes. For all their non-classical, even somewhat coarse appearance, their faces are calm, emotionally neutral, serenely aloof, sometimes thoughtful. In this context, despite certain problems due to the state of preservation, the most indicative comparison is between the two images of the Pantocrator in the domes at Veljusa and Daphni. 45 They look remarkably similar (Figs. 25,26). They are both placed in identical medallions with rainbow frames 46 and have a traditional iconography. The face of the Pantocrator in Veljusa cannot be described as regular and classically beautiful. It is surprising for its unusual combination of a disproportionately narrow forehead and very large, distinctive, sculpturally moulded features. The abundant hair and beard form an oval frame, into which the chin and its near-symmetrical counterpart, the forehead narrowing towards the top, are "inscribed". The mobile eyebrows rise high and bend, repeating the unusual shape of the forehead that, following their lead, seems to go into motion, becoming covered with deep furrows with a distinctive drop-shaped fold in the middle. The fork above its bridge emphasizes the sculptural quality of the long fleshy nose. The corners of the large protuberant mouth drop down strongly, contin-45 On the countenance of the Pantocrator in Daphni there have been minor retouchings of losses, the most substantial being on the eyes, especially the right. Nevertheless, the direction of the gaze and even the shape of the pupils accords in general with what existed before the late nineteenth century restoration (R. Cormack, Viewing the mosaics of the Monasteries of Hosios Loukas, Daphni and the Church of Santa Maria Assunta, Torcello, in: New light on the old glass. Recent research on Byzantine mosaics and glass, ed. C. Entwistle, L. James, London 2013, 245-249). In Veljusa, despite the partial losses and abrasions of the paint layer, the design has generally survived quite well, the modelling has done so in places. 46 Miljkoviḱ-Pepek notes the similarity of the framing of the medallions in Veljusa and Daphni, yet says nothing of the similarity between the depictions themselves. Cf. Miljkoviḱ-Pepek, Veljusa, 177.  ued by the lines of the moustache and shadows. Together with the fixed penetrating gaze of the dark eyes from beneath the frowning asymmetrical brows, this invests Christ's countenance with a stern, almost vehement look. The modelling of the face, the resonant sharp contours of the eyebrows and lids, the deep shadows around the eyes and down the sides of the nose all contribute to heightening the piercing, non-classical character of the image. On the whole, it impresses greatly with its strength, expressiveness and exceptional inner power. The similarity to the Pantocrator in Daphni is quite literal. It is obvious in the unusual, recognizable features of Christ's countenance, to a lesser degree in the content of the image as a whole. This seems to me to indicate that both artists reproduced one and the same prototype, which was probably located in Constantinople. The difference between the depictions of the Pantocrator in Veljusa and Daphni is the same as between the prophets in the two ensembles. In Daphni the expressively shaped features are devoid of the intensity that is present in Veljusa. In Daphni Christ's gaze is directed off to the side; the furrows on his forehead are not as deep and only roughly accord with the movement of the eyebrows. The curve of the mouth is not so rigid. All this softens the look somewhat, giving it a more indeterminate, pensive character. While in Veljusa the Pantocrator comes across as the intimidating Judge, in Daphni he seems to represent Divine Providence. Meanwhile, the Veljusa Pantocrator appears more organic and in accord with the spirit of those frescoes, while among the Daphni mosaics the Christ in the dome is comparable only to John the Baptist in the prothesis and a few of the prophets. The whole structure of that ensemble is already directed towards other ideals.
The other depiction of the Pantocrator, in the sidechapel of the Church of the Virgin Eleousa shows that our artist was not entirely a stranger to contemporary tendencies in art (Fig. 27). There we can recognize in Christ's countenance the noble Komnenian type with more regular and well-proportioned features that is often found in Constantinopolitan book miniatures of the 1070s-80s. Among the close parallels to this image, I can mention the miniature (Fig. 28) on a page from a New Testament and Psalter from 1084 in the State Tretyakov Gallery . 47 Yet, for all the similarity of outward parameters, the Veljusa artist does not strive to invest his image with the quiet, contemplative character associated with the classic Komnenian type, preferring a sense of inspired emotionality. His Christ's countenance has some grieving or compassionate expression due to the eyebrows raised towards the bridge of the nose and the characteristic drop-shaped fold above it. The active S-curve of the seated figure and the legs that seem to be stepping bring dynamism to the composition, as do the agitated folds in the clothing.
The deeply personal character of the Theophanic vision in the apse of the side-chapel is underlined by one more artistic device. Both the apse itself and the scene within it are very small in size, which is striking in comparison with the gigantic figures of Saint Niphon and Saint Panteleimon depicted on either side of the opening into the chapel. Alongside them the miniature scene in the little apse comes across as something precious and secret, hidden away in a casket or beneath the cover of a book. It is entirely possible that in this side-chapel Bishop Manuel wanted to see depicted what had been revealed to him through prayer, contemplation or reading. In any event, the association with a book is reinforced by the composition's resemblance to miniatures of the period. 48 The identification of this composition as the Vision of Saint Niphon 49 seems highly probable as the very fact of the depiction of that saint presupposes that the founder had a particular interest in this personality and life story, which was not included in the Synaxarion or hagiographic collections current at that time. 50 It is astonishing how neatly both the iconographic programme and the artistic peculiarities of the Veljusa frescoes accord with the very rare documentary evidence we are fortunate enough to have about the founderabout the conservatism, fastidiousness, theological and artistic interests of an elderly monk preparing for death and creating a monastery as a place in which to retire and then to be buried. Behind that accordance there must have been mutual understanding, a similarity of tastes and views, a spiritual kinship between the client and the artist, although we do not know what the latter's name was, nor whether he was a monk or a layman. 48 V. n. 20. 49 Miljkoviḱ-Pepek, Veljusa, 206-210. 50 Ivanov, "Zhitie sv. Nifonta", 502; idem, Nifont, 260.
Was he a local, from Ohrid or Thessaloniki, as Petar Miljković-Pepek was inclined to think? 51 The direct connection with the frescoes in Saint Sophia in Ohrid and the Panagia Chalkeon may seem to be evidence in support of such a conclusion, but those ensembles were, most probably, created by metropolitan artists. As we have seen, the Veljusa artist reveals a direct connection with the art of the capital both in the middle and in the second half of the eleventh century. It would be entirely natural for a gifted artist to take an interest in the work of predecessors and contemporaries, to collect visual impressions that became part of his own original style. It is precisely that freedom and assurance with which he combines diverse elements in pursuit of his artistic goals that more than anything argues that this artist could have acquired such rich experience and such high professional skill only in the Byzantine capital, irrespective of whether he was native of Macedonia, Bithynia or some other region.
Devotion to the tenets of art around the middle of the eleventh century may indicate that the Master of Veljusa formed as an artist at that very time, later enriching that foundation with various innovations. In any event, his frescoes look like an organic development of the style found in Saint Sophia in Ohrid in that period, when an enthusiasm for the classic style reigned in Constantinople. Our artist pursues a course of preserving the inner potential of the art of the "ascetic" type, in part clothing it in new forms, while many other artists belonging to the archaizing tendency of the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries reproduce the outwardly recognizable signs of that art while far from always attaining the same richness of content.
Other versions of the preservation of the legacy of the "ascetic tendency" in combination with new trends in the art of the 1060s-80s also existed. In metropolitan painting there was the fairly wide circle of illustrated manuscripts associated with the Monastery of Stoudios and the scrip-51 Miljkoviḱ-Pepek, Veljusa,222. torium of the "Copiste de Métaphraste" 52 and also the lost mosaics in the narthex of the Church of the Dormition in Nicaea (1065-67). 53 Besides that, a fair number of frescoes have survived on the periphery of the Byzantine Empire (in Cappadocia, Cyprus, on other Greek islands and the Balkan Peninsula itself) and beyond its borders. 54 Those ensembles are heterogeneous in terms of quality and the use of specific artistic devices, but they are united by a devotion to depictions of a severe, aloof character and a corresponding set of basic means of expression: laconic compositions and figures with little movement, countenances with greatly enlarged eyes, a stylized, schematic treatment of shapes with a predominance of line.
The Veljusa frescoes, however, represent a different version of the style, an extremely rare, if not unique one, judging by the small quantity of contemporary analogues that can be found only among works of the very highest quality. The Veljusa frescoes are testimony to the individual course of an outstanding artist, who interpreted the legacy of the recent past in an original manner. He experiments freely with it, introducing much of his own -above all, the astonishing animation and spirituality that he gives to the whole substance with its tangible, sensual forms.